Thursday, February 28, 2019

The Modi Years: What has fuelled rising mob violence in India?

The Modi Years

The ruling party’s leaders have supported violence in the name of cow protection.

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Design | Nithya Subramanian

Feb 23, 2019 · 07:30 pm

Shoaib Daniyal

  • The past five years have seen mob lynchings across India
  • Factors driving violence include cow protection movements and penetration of social media
  • The effects are significant with a near-collapse of the rural cattle trade and worsening law and order
  • In spite of the threat to law and order, political reaction has either been muted or has supported vigilante action
Hindi readers over the past few years would have found a new word in their newspapers: “lynching”. How prominent and frequent are the acts of mob violence can be gauged from the fact that Hindi journalists felt the need to borrow the word from English in order to better convey events to their readers.

The past five years of the Modi government have seen a spate of mob attacks across India. The elements that fuelled this bloody mix include religious fanaticism (specifically, cow protection), increased penetration of social media and politicians, who ranged from being apathetic to instigators of violence.

Dadri, 2015   

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Dadri is a small Uttar Pradesh town on the peri-urban edges of the National Capital Region. On September 28, 2015, villagers in Bisahra village close to Dadri, accused Mohammed Akhlaq of stealing and slaughtering a calf for Eid, which was three days ago. Later, an announcement was allegedly made from the local temple’s public address system to gather a mob, which then proceeded to Akhlaq’s house. Akhlaq and his son Danish were dragged out and beaten with rods and bricks. Their fridge was raided and a leftover meat curry was seen as proof that they had killed a cow (Akhlaq’s family insisted it was goat meat). Akhlaq died from the assault. Danish was severely injured and had to undergo brain surgery later. .......

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Relatives of Mohammad Akhlaq mourn after he was killed by a mob in Dadri. Photo: Reuters


Unleashing a flood

Dadri set a template. Cow protection vigilantes would assault men they accused of either killings cows or transporting cattle to be slaughtered. Moreover, these would then not be treated as ordinary crimes. The vigilantes would often be supported, sometimes explicitly, by political parties and governments. In March 2016, two cattle traders were lynched and their bodies hung up from a tree in Jharkhand. In July 2016, four Dalit men were assaulted in Una, Gujarat for skinning dead cows and their assault filmed by the perpetrators themselves. .......


Beyond gau raksha

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On June 27, 2017, a mentally ill woman was lynched in West Bengal after a 14-year old child went missing in the area with and rumours of Bangladeshi child abductors being active in the area. In June, 2018, a mob in Assam beat two young men to death – again on the suspicious on being child lifters. During the assault, the victims pleaded with the assaulters that they were Assamese – even listing their parents’ names but the mob did not listen. May 2018 saw multiple mob attacks in Andhra Pradesh of Hindi-speaking people as false rumours spread that child abductor gangs from Bihar and Jharkhand were active in the state. Two months later, five men from a nomadic tribe were beaten to death in Maharashtra.

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Women mourn the loss of their relatives in a mob attack in Dhule. Phone: Shone Satheesh


Political reactions
   

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Politically, the reaction to mob violence was either muted or in support of it. After the Bulandshahr killing, one BJP MLA argued that the policeman had actually shot himself and the rampaging mob had not role to play.

Prime Minister Modi had not said much on the violence in spite of the clear danger it represents. In 2017, he appealed for people to not take the law in their hands in case they suspect cow slaughter but allow the legal system to do its work (a large number of Indian states have made slaughtering cattle illegal). In 2019, Modi again condemned lynchings but also asked rhetorically if they began only in 2014.

So strong is the force of the mob that even the Opposition has been muted on the issue. The Congress has said little on how it intends to tackle lynchings and neither have any of the other parties in North and West India even as the general elections approach.

The only movement on the issue has been from WhatsApp, by far India’s most popular mobile phone messaging service. In July, 2018, the company limited forwarding of messaged to five chats at a time in a bid to curb rumours.

Read full article: scrollin

Friday, February 22, 2019

The Visionary

Azim Premji is not only one of India's biggest entrepreneurs, he is also the face of corporate philanthropy.

Rukmini Rao   New Delhi

businesstoday.in
Azim Premji (Photograph by Hemant Mishra)

Nearly half a decade ago, the untimely death of his father forced Azim Hashim Premji, who was then at Stanford pursuing engineering, to abruptly leave his studies and return to India. Taking over his family's vegetable oil business at the age of 21 in 1966, over the course of next 20 years, Premji diversified Wipro's interests, from IT products to engineering services, and from medical equipment solutions to FMCG.

In an interview to a television channel, recalling his early days, Premji spoke of the scepticism that a shareholder had when he took over the company. "His comment really got my determination up to prove him wrong," Premji said. With no prior experience of managing a company, all Premji had was his ability to work hard.

"His biggest strength is perhaps tenacity; the ability to focus and then work single mindedly towards the goal," says Yasmeen Premji, his wife. The two had met in what was then Bombay and later married.

businesstoday.in
Yasmeen Premji, Azim Premji's wife

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Apart from being one of India's biggest entrepreneurs, Premji is undoubtedly the face of corporate philanthropy in the country. He established the Azim Premji Foundation in 2001 with a focus on education, especially girls. Till date, he has committed over $10 billion to various philanthropic causes through his Trust and family office. Joining the league of Warren Buffett and Bill Gates, Premji was the first Indian to give away over $2 billion to Giving Pledge in 2013. Under the foundation, Premji has also set up the Azim Premji University in Bengaluru in 2010.

Last year, while interacting with school and college students during Wipro Earthian awards ceremony, Premji was asked about his goal in life. He answered: "To be successful in what I do and to the best of what I can do." A motto that drives him even today at the age of 73.

Read full article: businesstoday

Friday, February 08, 2019

The Bengali artist who popularised the ‘wet sari effect’ and invented a new genre of figure painting

BOOK EXCERPT

Through his intimate works, Hemen Mazumdar changed the way women were depicted in Indian art.

Partha Mitter
Feb 06, 2019 · 11:30 am

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'Monsoon', 25.5x36.7 cm, watercolour on paper. | Image courtesy: Kumar Collection.

Hemendranath Mazumdar (1898-1948) was born in a landowning family in Bengal. He enrolled at the art school in Calcutta against his father’s wishes. Having fallen out with the authorities, he then moved to the privately-owned Jubilee Academy. Disillusioned with both art schools, he decided to teach himself figure drawing by means of books obtained from England. The role of reproductions in art books in the formation of colonial artists cannot be gainsaid. In the 1920s, he, Atul Bose, and the great Jamini Roy – the last two completed the course at Calcutta government art school – became close friends, making ends meet with artistic odd jobs, such as painting scenes for the theatre, or producing portraits of the deceased for the family based on photographs, which was a popular ‘Victorian’ custom in Bengal.

The group decided to set up an academic artists’ circle to challenge the onslaught of the Bengal School against academic artists. The group brought out an influential illustrated journal, Indian Academy of Art, in 1920, to win the Bengali public, and organised exhibitions to showcase academic artists from all around India. In addition, they needed to counteract the Bengal School journal, Rupam’s dominance. To ensure wide readership, the modestly priced but elegantly produced Indian Academy of Art covered a wide variety of topics. In addition to articles on art theory that expatiated on naturalism, it supplied art news and gossip, travelogues, short stories and humorous pieces. However, the ultimate intention of the Indian Academy of Art was to publicise the works of Mazumdar, Bose and Jamini Roy (who remained with them for a while but was gradually moving away from academic naturalism.) Colour plates of their prize-winning pictures dominated the issues. Here among other paintings, Mazumdar’s first major painting, Palli Pran (Soul of the Village), on the ‘wet sari effect’ was published.

Read article and paintings: scroll.in

Friday, February 01, 2019

129 Indians out of 130 ‘students’ arrested in US ‘pay-and-stay’ immigration scam

HT Correspondent
Hindustan Times, Washington

hindustan times
An illegal immigrant in the United States illegally is checked before boarding a deportation flight by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). ICE authorities have arrested 130 people, 129 of them Indian, enrolled as students in a fake university in Detroit as an immigration fraud and will deport them (Representative Photo)(AP)

The arrested Indians have been placed in “removal proceedings” — marked for deportation, in other words — and will remain in the custody of US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) until the conclusion of their case by immigration courts.

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Most of the affected are from Telengana and Andhra Pradesh and are also receiving help from community associations. One of them, the American Telugu Association has launched a webpage to help the students and organized a webinar with immigration lawyers to guide them “to be watchful with fake agents who promise illegal ways to stay in USA with admissions in unaccredited colleges”.

Read full article: hindustantimes

శ్రీ కౌముది ఫిబ్రవరి 2019

శ్రీ కౌముది ఫిబ్రవరి 2019

Wednesday, December 26, 2018

Arrival of the Black Ships: A turning point that saw Japan emerge from centuries of self-isolation

History revisited

The existential threat posed by the American warships in 1853 led to deep divisions with the ruling elite and the population.

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A Japanese print showing three men, believed to be Commander Anan, age 54; Perry, age 49; and Captain Henry Adams, age 59, who opened up Japan to the west | Library of Congress/Wikimedia Commons [Licnesed under CC BY Public Domain Mark 1.0]

Hamish Todd

December 26th 2018

"During the Meiji Period (1868-1912), Japan was transformed from a feudal society where power lay in the hands of the Tokugawa Shoguns and hundreds of local lords or Daimyo controlling a patchwork of fiefdoms, to a centralised, constitutional state under the nominal leadership of Emperor Mutsuhito (1852-1912). This transition was marked by the inauguration of the new reign name of Meiji or “Enlightened Rule” on October 23, 1868.

To commemorate this major anniversary, the British Library has digitised a manuscript handscroll Or.16453 depicting the arrival in Japanese waters in July 1853 of the American Commodore Matthew Calbraith Perry (1794-1858) and his squadron of four warships. Perry’s arrival triggered a long chain of events that led ultimately to the revolution of 1868."

Read article: Scrollin

Old manuscripts, letters show how Christian influences were depicted in Mughal art and life

Celebrating Christmas

A document talks about Christmas celebrations in Lahore in 1597.

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British Library

Ursula Sims-Williams  &  Malini Roy

December 25th 2018

"The agenda of the three missions was to indoctrinate the Mughals to Christianity. During the third mission to the court at Lahore, Father Jerome Xavier (1549–1617) collaborated with the Mughal court writer Abd al- Sattar ibn Qasim Lahori (fl. 1590–1615) to prepare a Persian text based on the Old and New Testaments known as the Mirʼāt al-Quds (Mirror of Holiness).

This text was made at the request of the Emperor Akbar and was completed at Agra in 1602. Father Xavier presented a copy of the text to both Emperor Akbar and his son Prince Salim (the future Emperor Jahangir). Although the proselytisation was not very successful, there was a clear impact on local artists. With both Akbar and Salim establishing rivaling artistic studios at Agra and Allahabad respectively, they would commission their artists to produce illustrations to accompany their individual copies of the Mirʼāt al-Quds."

Read article: Scrollin

Can the arrival of the Aryans in India explain the disconnect between Harappan and Vedic culture?

BOOK EXCERPT

There is a fundamental discontinuity between the two cultures, writes Tony Joseph in his book ‘Early Indians’.

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A seal depicting a unicorn at the Indian Museum, Kolkata | Wikimedia Commons (CC by SA 4.0)

Tony Joseph


Wednesday, December 25th 2018

"In the south, the migrating Harappans would have found a more congenial atmosphere for their language and culture, partly because the “Aryans” had not yet reached peninsular India and, perhaps, partly because of the presence of earlier migrants who may have spread Dravidian languages.

In the language of genetics, the Harappans contributed to the formation of the Ancestral South Indians by moving south and mixing with the First Indians of peninsular India and also to the formation of the Ancestral North Indians by mixing with the incoming “Aryans”. Therefore, in many ways, they are the cultural glue that keeps India together – or the sauce on the pizza, to build on a metaphor that we used earlier."

Read article: Scrollin

India’s attorney general is wrong. Constitutional morality is not a ‘dangerous weapon’

Opinion

KK Venugopal is right that this concept is open to varied interpretation. But isn’t that also true of ideas like liberty, equality, discrimination, dignity?

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Attorney General of India KK Venugopal | Wikimedia commons

Gautam Bhatia

Dec 20, 2018

"The attorney general is right that the concept of constitutional morality is open to interpretation and different judges might understand it differently. However, the same could be said about many words and phrases familiar to us. Liberty, for example. Equality. Discrimination. Dignity. It is, therefore, a non-sequitur to argue, as the attorney general did, that because constitutional morality is open to interpretation, it is a dangerous weapon that should be discarded. The question rather is how we should understand – and defend – the meaning of this phrase."

Read full article: Scrollin

Tuesday, November 13, 2018

New hate crime tracker in India finds victims are predominantly Muslims, perpetrators Hindus



The India Spend initiative has found as many as 90% of religious hate crimes since 2009 have occurred after the BJP took power at the Centre in 2014.



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Protest against lynchings in New Delhi. | PTI

The election results in Brazil last month came as another troubling reminder of the direction in which an increasing number of countries are careening. In nation after nation, a growing number of people are voting for leaders who stoke hatred against minorities and other oppressed groups, crush Opposition by left and liberal dissenters, wave the flag of an aggressive and exclusionary nationalism, and advocate belligerent militarism against other nations. In some countries such right-wing authoritarian leaders are being elected to form governments, while in others they build formidable oppositions.

As a consequence, the world has become a progressively more frightening and dangerous place to live in for minorities of various kinds – religious, national, racial, linguistic, ethnic, and sexual – as well as for left and liberal dissidents. As fear, violence and state bias become increasingly normalised for minorities in country after country, it is sobering to remember that India is still unique because of the rise of one particular kind of hate violence that targets its religious and caste minorities: lynching. In the past few years, India has seen several instances of lynchings in which frenzied mobs have targeted people mainly because of their religious or caste identity – for being Muslim or Dalit. This is part of a larger surge of hate crimes that is corroding social peace and trust across the country.

A hate crime is one in which crimes are committed against a person not because of what a person might have done, but because of who they are. In a communal lynching, a person is attacked for the alleged transgressions, real or imagined, past or present, of other members of that person’s community.

“In cases of xenophobic and communal lynching, one person’s body becomes a site of history,” Jurist Upendra Baxi told data-driven news portal India Spend, speaking of the nature of lynching as a hate crime. “The person is not lynched for his or her own conduct, but for the past conduct of others. In allowing this to happen the administration and the law proceeds to become a programme of revenge.”

Confronted with criticism for the rising graph of incidents of communal and caste lynching, the Union government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi initially responded with denial, claiming that these incidents are statistically trivial. As news of such incidents grew, spokepersons of the ruling party described these crimes as routine breakdowns of law and order that have occurred under the watch of every government. They claimed it was vested interests that specifically associated the present Bharatiya Janata Party regime with lynchings in India. In 2017, in a reply to a question in the Rajya Sabha about the incidence of lynching, Minister of State for Home Affairs Hansraj Ahir did not report a single case of lynching for that year, and small numbers in earlier years. In July, Ahir affirmed that “The National Crime Records Bureau does not maintain specific data with respect to lynching incidents in the country.”

What the government and ruling party refuse to acknowledge is that incidents of lynching are not ordinary crimes, reflecting normal periodic failures of law and order. The large majority of these incidents are hate crimes, or crimes that target people because of their identity. In the 22 journeys the Karwan-e-Mohabbat made since September 2017 – during which we visited families of lynching and hate crimes in 12 states – we found a wave of these crimes had erupted in many corners of the country.

The scale of these hate crimes remains obscured and bitterly contested because of the official policy of the National Crime Records Bureau to not keep a separate record of hate crimes or lynching. Moreover, as Abhishek Dey of Scroll.in concluded last December after looking closely at five hate crimes that made the headlines in 2017, India is undercounting religious hate crimes by failing to invoke a crucial section of the law. This is Section 153A of the Indian Penal Code, which is commonly used to gauge the prevalence of religion-based hate crimes in the country. It lays down punishment for promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, race, caste and community, and acting in ways that are prejudicial to the maintenance of harmony. If applied to all hate crimes, it would be a useful index to gauge the prevalence of religion-based hate crimes. But Dey found that this section was not applied in any of these cases he had investigated.

“We cannot speak of hate crimes, eyes closed, with conviction, if we do not have data,” Baxi told India Spend. “We have to understand the pattern of violence, the rise and fall, study the ebbs and flows and the surrounding circumstances. What do the data mean when perpetrators become victims? And when victims become perpetrators?”

This is why India Spend’s recent initiative – the Citizen’s Religious Hate Crime Watch – is significant. This fact-checker tracks those crimes that target an individual or group of individuals because of their religious identity. It was launched on October 30 to counter the deliberate obscuring of the nature and scale of hate crimes in India. The initiative is supported by the news portal NewsClick and Aman Biradari, the people’s campaign for secularism and compassion.


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Relatives and neighbours of Rakhbar Khan, who was allegedly lynched to death in Alwar on July 20 on suspicion of cow smuggling. (Photo credit: HT).

What the tracker found


The Hate Crime Watch tracker is currently based on an analysis of 254 incidents of hate crimes motivated by religious hatred, which resulted in 91 deaths and 579 injuries between 2009 and 2018.

A striking finding of the data compiled by it is that as many as 90% of religious hate crimes since 2009 have occurred after Modi led the BJP to power at the Centre in 2014. This points compellingly to the conclusion that an environment has been created under Modi’s watch in which people feel safe, enabled, even encouraged to act out their hate and attack religious minorities. The permissive environment for hate attacks created by frequent hate speeches by senior leaders of the party, and Modi’s refusal to criticise these attacks except very occasionally and in general terms, means that communal and vigilante formations feel emboldened and encouraged to attack people of minority identities wth impunity.

Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous state, led today by a firebrand Hindutva leader of the BJP, also records the highest numbers of hate crimes. But the second-largest number of hate crimes have occurred in Karnataka, which is ruled by an alliance between the Janata Dal (Secular) and Congress. This is followed by BJP-ruled Rajasthan. As seen by Hate Crime Watch, around 66% of the cases have occurred in BJP-ruled states. But this in itself this should not be surprising as the BJP is in power in 20 out of 29 states. Sixteen per cent of hate crimes have been recorded in Congress-ruled states.

What is far more telling is that among the cases in which the details of the attackers’ political affiliations are known or reported, as high as 83% of the hate crimes were by attackers who were allegedly affiliated with Hindutva organisations, including the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, Bajrang Dal, Hindu Yuva Vahini and Vishwa Hindu Parishad, among others; as well of the political parties of the BJP and the Shiv Sena. Members of the Bajrang Dal were found to be involved in the largest number of hate crimes. Of the 30 cases of hate crimes in which Bajrang Dal members were alleged to have participated, the Hate Crime Watch shows that 29 took place after 2014.

Worst districts


The district with the highest numbers of hate crimes as reported in the Hate Crime Watch is Dakshina Kannada. This coastal Karnataka district was once famed for the peace between its Hindu, Muslim and Christian citizens. But over the last two decades, it has seethed with communal clashes and targeted bloodletting, as it grew into one of the key sites of communal mobilisation by organisations of the Sangh. Its cow vigilantism and attacks on even friendships between women and men of different religions in the name of “love jihad” helped create the template that has now been adopted by Sangh organisations in many parts of the country. The coastal Karnataka districts also voted entirely for the BJP in the recent state elections.

Alwar district in Rajasthan comes next. This is where self-styled cow vigilantes lynched Pehlu Khan in 2017 and Rakbar Khan in 2018. Like both these dairy farmers, a significant number of people who have been lynched in Alwar are Muslims from the neighbouring district of Nuh in Haryana. Nuh district has the second highest proportion of Muslim residents in India outside of Kashmir. Its Meo Muslims are impoverished, with arid land holdings, but devoted traditionally to dairying. These dairy farmers have been victims of attacks by cow vigilantes as well as targeted extra-judicial killings by the police. Both perpetrators choose to attack their targets usually outside Nuh, mainly in Alwar. After Alwar, come the districts of Muzaffarnagar, Meerut and Shamli, all in the agriculturally prosperous western Uttar Pradesh, which has smouldered with religious and caste violence ever since the communal carnage in Muzaffarnagar and Shamli in 2013.


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Mother of dairy farmer Pehlu Khan along with her family members stage a sit-in demonstration to demand justice for him, in New Delhi on April 19, 2017. (Photo credit: IANS).

Primary target: Muslims


Hate Crime Watch demonstrates that the paramount target of religious hate crimes are Muslims. In particular, at least 87% of the victims of cow-related attacks tracked by Hate Crime Watch were Muslim. Muslims also formed a large proportion of persons who were attacked for inter-faith relationships. Hate Crime Watch data shows that the victims were Muslim in 64% of instances of violence related to inter-faith liaisons. Overall, Muslims, who comprise 14% of India’s population, were the victims in 62% of cases of religious violence recorded by Hate Crime Watch since 2009.

Christians are another religious group who have suffered hate violence on a scale many times higher than their share of the population. Christians constitute a little more than 2% of India’s population, but are victims in 14% of the cases of religious identity based violence. Their highest share, unsurprisingly, is in violence spurred by allegations of forced religious conversions. The victims were Christian in at least 78% of these attacks. These assaults tend to take the form of attacks on churches and prayer spaces, even those located within homes, and on priests, nuns and ordinary members of the community.

By contrast, Hindus, who comprise more than 80% of India’s population, were victims in only 10% of religious identity based hate crimes after 2009. The story is reversed if the identities of the perpetrators of violence are considered. In 86% of the cases of hate crimes in which the religion of the alleged perpetrator is known, the attackers were Hindus. The attackers were Muslim only in 13% incidents.

What were the triggers for these episodes of hate violence that targeted religious identities? Around 30% of the attacks that are included in Hate Crime Watch are in the name of cow protection. While 14% are to protest inter-religious relationships, 9% are spurred by allegations of religious conversions. In several of the remaining cases, the reasons are not confirmed.

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Policewomen keep watch as Christians demonstrate outside the Sacred Heart Cathedral in Delhi in 2015. (Photo credit: AFP)

The slow arm of the law


Hate Crime Watch also has only partial information about whether legal action was taken against the perpetrators of hate crimes. But the information that is available is disquieting. In at least 23 cases recorded in Hate Crime Watch so far, or about a tenth of the cases, the police had not filed even a first information report against the perpetrators. At the same time, in at least a fifth of the cases, or 53 cases, first information reports have also been filed against the victim. In cow-related hate crimes, the police, in at least a third of the incidents, had also arrested the victims of the attacks.

Hate Crime Watch has sourced its data mainly from news reports in the English language press. The actual numbers of hate crimes and of fatalities are likely to be higher, perhaps much higher, because the national press ignores many of these incidents, particularly those that are not fatal. This is also because the police often attempt to disguise these crimes – even when they result in fatalities – as ordinary murders and assaults, or even road traffic injuries, unwilling to acknowledge that these are motivated by religious hatred. (We hope to bring together a country-wide collective of voluntary fact finders who will both scan newspapers in other Indian languages, and also investigate incidents that are not reported, or those in which the police claim that the crime was not motivated by hate.)

Even so, despite the fact that Hate Crime Watch relies mainly on English language newspaper reports, its findings are intensely distressing. It is difficult for supporters of Modi to convincingly deny any longer the massive spurt of hate crimes during his stewardship of the country, or that religious hate crimes overwhelmingly target the country’s Muslim and Christian citizens. But despite this evidence, the rising tide of hate violence in India has not significantly caught global attention.

India sometimes creates its own specific cruelties. Untouchability and caste atrocities is one of these. Domestic violence is a worldwide malaise but India alone has innovated the cruelty of the burning of brides for dowry. In the same way, whereas politically encouraged bigotry and hatred against minorities is growing into a malign global epidemic, will India’s dubious contribution to this be its unique spate of communal mob lynching targeting its religious minorities and disadvantaged castes?

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Source: scrollin