Saturday, September 12, 2026

Widespread doubts over voter rolls will deal a body blow to Indian democracy

  •  9 Aug, 2025
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Welcome to The India Fix by Shoaib Daniyal: a newsletter on Indian politics. This week we're jumping off from Rahul Gandhi's explosive press conference identifying serious errors in the voter rolls. What does being a democracy mean if the voter lists, of all things, are not accurate?


Rahul Gandhi’s press conference on Thursday started off poorly: his slides suddenly disappeared from the screen even as he stood there, his face taut with anger. But once these technical glitches were sorted, what Gandhi disclosed was shocking. The leader of the Opposition alleged his party had found more than a lakh bogus voters in the Mahadevapura Assembly constituency in Bengaluru.

The press conference detailed five types of bogus entries in the electoral roll: duplicate voters, voters with fake addresses, bulk voters with the same address, invalid photographs (which made identification impossible) and enrolling fake first-time voters (using form six).

The examples Gandhi brought up were striking. Gurkirat Singh Dang, for example, appears four times in the roll with the exact same address. Another gent, Aditya Srivastava, votes across the country: Mumbai, Lucknow and in two booths in Bengaluru. One address in Bengaluru, a single-room house, has 80 voters registered to it. Other voters have strings of gibberish for address and father’s name (one was a Mr dfojgaidf). A 70-year-old lady called Shakun Rani enrolled as a new voter, resulting in her being able to vote twice.

As striking as these examples were, even worse was the Election Commission’s response – or lack of it. It put out a tweet a few hours after Gandhi’s press conference with the tag #ECIFactCheck. Except there was no fact check: it did not actually rebut Gandhi. In fact, it said it would only take action if Gandhi swore an oath. It is unclear why the Election Commission does not think that errors in the voter roll deserve urgent action. Or why it has not agreed to demands by the Opposition to provide machine-readable voter rolls, which would make identifying errors a cinch.

 

 

Rising doubts

The Election Commission’s non-response was doubly troubling given this is not the first time doubts have been expressed over the health of India’s voter rolls.

Reporting by Scroll has found multiple complaints against voter roll exclusions. In 2023, the India Fix broke down a detailed research paper flagged multiple statistical anomalies with the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, part of which could be traced back to allegations that rolls were rigged.

In March, the Trinamool Congress flagged that Election Photo Identity Card numbers used in voter cards were not unique. Different voters across the country somehow had the same number. Again, the Election Commission was unable to explain the error even as it said that it would fix it going forward.

Even as the Election Commission is unable to explain how these errors are appearing, it is not holding back from even more drastic changes in voter lists. At present it is conducting a so-called Special Intensive Revision in Bihar with indications that women and Muslims are being especially targeted for exclusion. The design of the SIR, a de facto citizenship test with massive powers in the hands of the lower bureaucracy, makes it highly amenable to political pressure.

 

Muslims voters in Delhi whose names have been deleted from the electoral roll. Credit: Abhik Deb

Betraying a legacy

Widespread doubts over voter rolls at the present moment stand in stark contrast to how universal adult franchise was introduced in India: the creation of a voter roll including all Indian voters was one of the first administrative tasks taken by independent India.

India had had elections under the Raj. But they were limited to elites. In 1937, the Raj’s biggest election ever, with Indians electing state governments, saw around a sixth of Indian adults qualify to be voters.

Within a few months of independence, the Constituent Assembly Secretariat, headed by bureaucrat BN Rau, was drawing up new rolls based on universal adult franchise. The political will for this was solid: the Congress had been asking for the vote for all adult Indians since 1928.

The result was, as Ornit Shani points out in her remarkable research on independent India’s first electoral roll, Indians became voters first and then citizens. Rolls were drawn up before the Indian constitution was drafted and adopted. “An electoral roll on the basis of universal franchise prepared and maintained as accurately and up-to-date as possible, was the plinth upon which the institutions of electoral democracy would rest,” Shani writes.

Unsurprisingly, this was a major factor for the Constituent Assembly as well. While moving an article which would lead to the formation of the Election Commission, BR Ambedkar, chairman of the drafting committee, was clear that no Indian should be excluded from the rolls “on the whim of an officer”.

Elections are the guts of a democracy. And voter rolls, in turn, are the guts of an election. Seven decades later, the widespread impression that the whims of officers – and politicians – are now deciding voter rolls is severely damaging to the idea of Indian democracy.

Source: https://tinyurl.com/yhrzv2vb

Why do anti-reservation ideologues love the creamy layer so much?

  • 11 Sep, 2026
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Welcome to The India Fix by Shoaib Daniyal. A newsletter on Indian politics.


Caste-based reservations are a major component of what ​​political scientist Christophe Jaffrelot calls “India’s silent revolution”: the fact that Indian democracy has made space for lower castes after millennia of oppression.

Given the scale of change they promise, it is hardly surprising that quotas for members of the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes have always been bitterly contested. The latest iteration of this dispute is a group called the Reservation Hatao Andolan or Movement to Remove Reservations. In August, its followers held protestsin Delhi’s Jantar Mantar protest site.

Some critics claim that the group was a tactical way to undercut the youth solidarity that had led to the removal of a Union minister only weeks before. Indeed, while the earlier so-called cockroach protests identified the government as being responsible for the lack of employment, the Reservation Hatao Andolan tried to shift the focus to quotas. The protesters claimed that upper castes were not getting jobs since the pie for them had shrunk.

Cat got the cream

As an upper-caste interest group, the Reservation Hatao Andolan’s demands were designed to increase employment opportunities for the general category, as India’s unreserved seats are called. They want quotas kept away from private-sector jobs as well as reservations to be based on economic rather than caste criteria.

The pressure group also called for the exclusion of the “creamy layer” when it came to Dalit and Adivasi quotas. The creamy layer – an incredible Indianism – refers to the elite within a caste bloc. The Reservation Hatao Andolan also wants to debar families from being able to apply for reserved positions if a member has availed of quotas previously.

This emphasis on the the creamy layer is odd since the policy has no effect on upper caste quotas at all. It does not expand the general category: the number of seats available to them remains exactly the same. The Reservation Hatao Andolan is an unabashed upper-caste pressure group, so why does it care how caste quotas are organised internally?

The logic of reservations

To understand why the Reservation Hatao Andolan is so worked up about the creamy layer, we would first have to understand why India has caste-based reservations in the first place.

Contrary to perception, India’s caste-based quotas are not a poverty alleviation programme. India has many of those, given that they are critical to a poor country. Caste-based quotas, however, only apply to a small pool of government jobs in India. Most Indians never interact with caste-based quotas – an absurd design were it to be some sort of welfare scheme.

Most people batting for creamy-layer exclusion will point to the fact that many people are excluded from availing of quotas – and claim that this policy would widen the net. But of course, barring the creamy layer does not really solve that, since the number of jobs under quotas are so small, they will always exclude the vast majority of Indians.

If not poverty-eradication then what is the point of reservations? The aim is simple: to broaden the representation of Indians from marginal groups in critical areas such as higher education and the bureaucracy. Given that upper castes have maintained a near-total domination of these spaces, quotas allow representatives from other castes to gain a toehold.

The logic is that these representatives will frame policy and shape society in a way that benefits far more Indians than the earlier upper-caste-dominated system.

In effect, the very aim of reservations is to build new elites – just that these elites would now come from hitherto marginalised groups.

Who gets upward mobility?

It is this logic that that creamy layer exclusion seeks to undercut. Building a socially and economically elite class takes generations. Talk to rich upper castes around you and you will find signs of privilege going back generations. Someone’s great-great grandfather was a collector under the Raj. A great grandmother who was a graduate at a time when it was rare for an Indian woman to go to school at all. Tales of zamindars and boxwallahs abound among upper castes who occupy elite positions in Indian society today.

This is borne out by research. In 2022, economists Sam Asher, Paul Novosad and Charlie Rafkin published a paper that used the 2012 India Human Development Survey and the 2012 Socioeconomic and Caste Census to show that upward mobility in India is poor by global standards. Their research makes it clear that kvetching about upper castes being left behind has little empirical data behind it.

“Higher caste groups have experienced constant and high upward mobility over time, a result that contradicts a popular notion that it is increasingly difficult for higher-caste Hindus to get ahead,” the paper states quite bluntly.

Creamy layer exclusion would stop this process of elite formation for backward castes, Dalits and Adivasis. The upper castes had the freedom to build on generations of eliteness to create the present social and economic capital they enjoy. But the creamy layer exclusion would pull the ladder up for other castes trying to do the same.

Undercutting the project

And remember, quotas are all about building representation. Without elites to represent diverse caste interests in key positions in the state, this project would have failed.

It was the Supreme Court that introduced in the concept of the “creamy layer” in a judgement in 1992 that related to Other Backward Class quotas. This served to significantly dilute the impact of OBC reservations. Currently, the court is also hearing a plea to apply the filter to Dalit and Adivasi quotas.

The fact that the Reservation Hatao Andolan is adopting this as a demand, even though it does not affect general category numbers, is thus not a paradox at all. It understands well how powerful a weapon creamy layer exclusion could be to weaken the small but vocal non-upper caste elites that reservations have created thus far.


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 Source: https://tinyurl.com/mr2fphnb