Nothing Vedic in ‘Vedic Maths’

Opinion                                                                                                     September 3, 2014

C. K. Raju

Advocating ‘Vedic mathematics’ as a replacement for traditional Indian arithmetic is hardly an act of nationalism; it only shows ignorance of the history of mathematics

Gujarat has made it compulsory for school students to read the texts of Dinanath Batra, endorsed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. According to news reports, Mr. Batra has now proposed a non-governmental education commission which will Indianise education through, for instance, Vedic mathematics. The Minister for Education has also mentioned Vedic mathematics as part of her agenda.

Ignorant of tradition

One appreciates the desire of these people to work for Indian traditions. But where in the Vedas is “Vedic mathematics” to be found? Nowhere. Vedic mathematics has no relation whatsoever to the Vedas. It actually originates from a book misleadingly titled Vedic Mathematics by Bharati Krishna Tirtha. The book admits on its first page that its title is misleading and that the (elementary arithmetic) algorithms expounded in the book have nothing to do with the Vedas. This is repeated on p. xxxv: “Obviously these formulas are not to be found in the present recensions of Atharvaveda.” I have been pointing this out since 1998. Regrettably, the advocates of “Vedic mathematics,” though they claim to champion Indian tradition, are ignorant of the actual tradition in the Vedas. Second, they do not even know what is stated in the book — the real source of “Vedic mathematics.” Third, they are unaware of scholarly writing on the subject. When education policy is decided by such ignorant people, they only end up making a laughing stock of themselves and the Vedas, and thus do a great disservice to the very tradition which they claim to champion.

Everyone learns how to add, subtract, multiply and divide in school. Why should we replace those algorithms with “Vedic mathematics”? Will that Indianise education? No. The standard arithmetic algorithms actually originated in India, where they were known by various names such as patiganita (slate arithmetic). However, the word “algorithm” comes from “algorithmus”: the Latinised name of al Khwarizmi of the 9th century House of Wisdom in Baghdad. He wrote an expository book on Indian arithmetic called Hisab al Hind. Gerbert d’Aurillac (later Pope Sylvester II), the leading European mathematician of the 10th century, imported these arithmetic techniques from the Umayyad Khilafat of Córdoba. He did so because the primitive Greek and Roman system of arithmetic (tied to the abacus), then prevailing in Europe, was no match for Indian arithmetic. However, accustomed to the abacus (on which he wrote a tome), Gerbert was perplexed by algorithms based on the place-value system, and foolishly got a special abacus (apices) constructed for these “Arabic numerals” in 976 CE. Hence the name “Arabic numerals” — because a learned pope amusingly thought there was some magic in the shape of the numerals which made arithmetic efficient.

Later, Florentine merchants realised that efficient Indian arithmetic algorithms conferred a competitive advantage in commerce. Fibonacci, who traded across Islamic Africa, translated al Khwarizmi’s work, as did many others, which is why they came to be known as algorithms. Eventually, after 600 years, Indian algorithms displaced the European abacus and were introduced in the Jesuit syllabus as “practical mathematics” circa 1570 by Christoph Clavius. These algorithms are found in many early Indian texts, such as the Patiganita of Sridhar or the Ganita Sara Sangraha of Mahavira, or the Lilavati of Bhaskara II. So, advocating “Vedic mathematics” as a replacement for traditional Indian arithmetic is hardly an act of nationalism. On the contrary, it only shows ignorance of the history of mathematics. Spreading this ignorance among future generations will weaken the nation, not strengthen it.

The techniques of “Vedic mathematics” are designed for mental arithmetic, traditionally used by lower caste artisans such as carpenters or by people like Shakuntala Devi. There are many other such systems of mental arithmetic today. If that is what we intend to promote, we should first do a systematic comparison. We should also be honest and refrain from using the misleading label “Vedic” which is the main selling point of Bharti Krishna Tirtha’s system, and which attracts gullible people who infer value just from the wrapper.
Suppressing real Mathematics

Promoting the wrongly labelled “Vedic mathematics” suppresses the mathematics that really does exist in the Vedas. For example, Yajurveda 17.2 elaborates on the decimal place value system (the basis of Indian algorithms) and some of those names for numbers are still in use, though terms such as arab (arbudam) have changed meaning. That passage shows that the place value system extends back to Vedic times, and it was a late acquisition only in mathematically backward Europe.

Likewise, the theory of permutations and combinations is built into the Vedic metre (and Indian music in general), as explained in various texts from Pingala’s Chandahsutra to Bhaskar’s Lilavati. The aksa sukta of the Rgveda gives a beautiful account of the game of dice, which is the foundation of the theory of probability. The romantic story of Nala and Damayanti in the Mahabharata further relates dice to sampling theory (to count the number of fruits in a tree).

More details are in my article on “Probability in Ancient India” available online and published in the Elsevier Handbook of the Philosophy of Statistics. However, all these scholarly efforts are jeopardised, for they too are viewed with suspicion.

We need to change the Western and colonial education system, especially with regard to mathematics. Traditional Indian ganita has much to offer in this process, but “Vedic mathematics” is definitely not the right way.

Wrong solutions like “Vedic mathematics” persist because an insecure political dispensation values the politically loyal over the learned who are loyal to the truth. (“Merit” apparently is important only in the context of reservations.) Such political processes are historically known to damage real traditions.

As I wrote over a decade ago in my book The Eleven Pictures of Time, those who attain or retain state power through religion are the worst enemies of that religion, whatever be the religion they claim to represent: Christianity, Islam, or Hinduism.

(C.K. Raju is author of Cultural Foundations of Mathematics. He was professor of mathematics, and Editorial Fellow of the Project of History of Indian Science, Philosophy and Culture.)

Source: The Hindu

Home no more: when parting is such sweet sorrow

August 31, 2014

Vinod Jain

                                                                                       The Hindu

The bags were all packed; the furniture was stacked in a corner. The curtains, the fans, the family photographs — of his parents, of him with his wife just after his wedding on a trip to a quiet hill station, the one he liked the most, of his children with their spouses, of his granddaughter — had all been taken down. The rooms were empty, the walls bare.

He had signed all the papers with the realtor the previous day. He remembered how the realtor was shaking his hand vigorously, mumbling something about a deal well done, while he looked at him blankly, speechless and not knowing how to respond.

The packers will now come and shift the meagre belongings, the ones still left with him. He would be moving out the next day.

He walked about the empty rooms in a trance. Each wall, each corner, had its share of memories; the family space, where they had held birthday parties for their children and later for his grand-daughter; the terrace, where he had helped them out with their studies; its far corner, where he had helped his grand-daughter sail paper boats during the rain, which invariably turned turtle and sank near the drain.

He remembered the morning tea he would have with his wife on the terrace. She would point at the swallows that would gather on the malshree tree near it, and the koel singing there during the summer months. The swallows had disappeared lately; he didn’t know why. Someone told him it was because of a mobile phone tower in the vicinity.

He looked at the kitchen, now bare. Not so long ago his mother and later his wife had cooked the evening meals on the fire here, making chapatis while the entire family sat around it warming itself in the cold winter nights.

He once again lingeringly looked at the room, where not so long ago he and his wife had performed the griha pravesh ceremony. They had slept on its floor that night. A small Ganesh idol and an earthen pitcher were placed in its corner.

He looked out towards the small garden and the lawn that he and his wife had painstakingly tended to over the years. His wife was very fond of the flowers and their small garden.

He looked out at the tall kachnar tree, which they had planted together years ago. It would blossom, soon after Basant Panchami with its silver-and-mauve flowers. Come Holi and its leaves would begin to pale and fall: one by one, a few at a time sometimes. But the bell-shaped flowers would bloom, even as its branches gradually became bare. Day after day, it would be a fascinating sight. The tree would be bereft of all its leaves, while the flowers would be in full bloom, like small, delicate cotton balls, tucked away gently amidst the craggy twigs in those crimson and gold evenings in March. It seemed to symbolise life itself. Life, which struggles to grow and blossom — despite impossible odds, despite the realty of the all-pervasive evil around it.

The kachnar used to have a short blossom. It would be over within a fortnight. But by then, it was the turn of the amaltas, standing next to it. Its lemon-yellow flowers would fill out one whole corner of the garden. In the hot April afternoons, they would shimmer with an almost ethereal quality: like a Van Gogh Painting.

And then, when the summer heat was really on, the majestic Gulmohar in the far corner would turn flaming red. Its brilliance would match the flaming sun, up in the heavens. And, as if not to be overshadowed by the giant Gulmohar, the lowly lilies, which had lain supine for almost the whole year, would suddenly come alive, stand erect and burst into off-white and brick-red flowers. The whole garden would become a riot of colours, a feast for the eyes.

In another corner was the bael tree. People would come reverentially during the month of Shravan to a pick up a few leaves from it for the Siva temple. And, then there was the jamun tree, which would bring in the neighbourhood children, for a handful of jamuns picked up with a surreptitious glee.

The kachnar was, however, his favourite. He felt a strange kinship with it, he knew not why. Perhaps because it symbolised life itself, which struggles to grow and blossom. He had often just stood and stared at its fragile beauty as those crimson and gold evenings in March disintegrated outside.

His children had left for distant shores for a ‘better’ life. They had their careers to look after. He wondered where he had failed them. His wife had gone home several years back. They would be shifting him to an old age home with all ‘modern’ facilities, all for a reasonable package. He looked once again at the walls, the photographs, the terrace. And he just stood and stared at the garden uncertain of the days that were to unfold ahead, uncertain of the road he was to follow.

Will the kachnar tree continue to blossom in silent memory of someone, who had often stood and stared at it in admiration in those crimson and gold evenings like a lone morning forest star? Long after, the deep would have claimed him back into its own.

vinodjain30@gmail.com

Source: The Hindu

Indian marriages are now made in Mauritius

Indo-Asian News Service | August 28, 2014 1:15 pm

Mauritius, the Indian Ocean island that is home to a sizable Indian diaspora, is targeting this segment in a serious manner, a senior official said.

With destination weddings catching up amongst rich Indian families, which in turn rakes in good money for hotels and others, Mauritius, the Indian Ocean island that is home to a sizable Indian diaspora, is targeting this segment in a serious manner, a senior official said.

“We have started talking to wedding planners in India. We took a group of wedding planners from here to Mauritius and plan to take another group soon to showcase what Mauritius offers,” Mauritius Tourism Development Authority (MTDA) deputy director Vijaye Haulder told IANS here.

Haulder, whose forefathers hailed from West Bengal and settled in Mauritius several generations ago, is here to conduct road shows in four Indian cities – Mumbai, Delhi, Chennai and Bangalore. He said Indian wedding planners or organisers would also be given handsome incentives that are offered to meetings, conferences and exhibitions (MICE) operators from India.

“Duty free liquor is also offered,” he added.

Mauritius is a well-known wedding destination for European celebrities and sportspersons.

“In the case of Europeans or other nationalities, the wedding group would be not more than 10-15 people. In many cases only the to-be-married couple would come here. But Indian weddings are different,” Haulder said.

He said the size of Indian wedding groups coming to Mauritius ranges between 350 and 800.

Such a large size bodes well for Air Mauritius – the sole airline flying direct to Mauritius out of India – the hotels and other tourist players there.

Haulder said around 8-10 Indian weddings are now being held in Mauritius. According to him, annually around 10 celebrity weddings happen in Mauritius. The celebrities are from varied fields – movie actors (China, Japan, Hollywood), football players and others.

Queried about promoting such weddings among Indian celebrities, he said: “We are open. We can have it free of cost. It would be a brand building exercise for us among Indians.”

While celebrities would like to have their wedding in privacy, they do talk about it in their social media, which is a good branding activity for Mauritius Tourism, Haulder said.

“It is not only marriages, even engagement ceremonies and pre-engagement photography is being done in Mauritius by Indians,” said Medha Sampat, founder, Knack Marketing, a travel marketing and representative company in Mumbai.

The company is the India representative for Sun Resorts Ltd that runs star hotels in Mauritius.

Sampat said the Indian wedding group size would be between 200 and 500 people, giving good food and beverage revenue to the hotels.

Normally members of Indian wedding groups would spend two or three nights in Mauritius.

Meanwhile, Mauritius Tourism hopes to attract around 60,000 Indians to Mauritius this year, up from around 58,000 people who travelled there last year.

According to Haulder, the island nation is confident of attracting more than one million tourists this year up from over 900,000 who visited in 2013.

“It is a medium-haul destination (travel time around six hours) and has got a European feel. It is a year-round tourist destination. The hotels and resorts are on the beaches and one need not go out in search of a beach,” Vivek Anand, MTDA country manager-India, told IANS.

He, however, agreed that in terms of air fare Sri Lanka and the Maldives are much cheaper destinations.

Anand said Mauritius is a family destination where there are fun and adventure activities like submarine rides, undersea walks, walking with the lions et al for the entire family.

Air Mauritius connects Mumbai, Delhi, Chennai and Bangalore with Mauritius with its Airbus A-330 aircraft.

Source: The Indian Express

For the love of God

Navin B. Chawla
August 26, 2014

UNDYING SPIRIT: Mother Teresa was optimistic that the Missionaries of Charity 
would remain committed to providing for the poorest of the poor. Picture, by noted 
photographer Eddie Adams, shows Mother Teresa and an armless child at her order’s 
orphanage in Calcutta in 1978.

We need to take a leaf out of the book of Mother Teresa’s continuing work to better understand why we are still so shamefully placed on the Human Development Index

Kusum was a child of about six when I first saw her in one of Mother Teresa’s ashrams, very close to where I live. Two things struck me at once. The first was that she was crippled and the second was her lovely smile. In those days, I went quite often to that Home, and little Kusum was always there to greet me. I soon learned that she would never be able to stand on her feet because of her many disabilities, and so the Sisters of the Missionaries of Charity would wait on her hand and foot. They fed her, bathed her, dressed her in new clothes every morning, and carried her to the toilet every time she needed to go. They changed her clothes each time she inadvertently soiled them. Painstakingly, she learned to say “Hello” to me when I came by and one day I was delighted to hear her add “uncle” to complete her little sentence. The Sisters had found Kusum somewhere between two busy roads where she was being forced to beg for alms.

On the afternoon that they found her, it was pouring with rain and the drenched child had a wracking cough. They looked for a parent or a guardian. They found none. They reported the matter to the local police. They needed to take her to a hospital for medical attention. After she stabilised, they brought her to their ashram, where she joined about 60 children who all suffered from mental or physical disabilities. More than one orthopaedician to whom she was taken opined that her legs had broken either in an accident or perhaps deliberately. But when anyone asked her who had done this to her so that she could be made to beg, she would burst into tears. That was the only time she would cry. For the rest of the time, Kusum’s smile would invariably reach her eyes.

“Implementers like us hardly ever ‘adopt’ an area in the country to see if the schemes that look good on our files are being implemented on the ground”

Kusum could well be the child whom we see from the comfort of our cars, when we stop at a traffic intersection. We react with disgust (“Why doesn’t the government do something about these beggars?”) or a sense of guilt, as we either give the child some money or look in another direction, hoping the traffic light will change to enable us to speed away. But while we salve our consciences in some way or the other, we seldom, if ever, do anything to help with our own hands.

Providing lifelong care

Little known to most of us, there is an intrepid band of Mother Teresa’s Missionaries of Charity Sisters and Brothers who spread out each day into streets, slums and ghettos. They do so not just in our cities, but also in urban clusters in 136 countries. They rescue the homeless. They feed the hungry. They treat the sick and leprosy-affected. They rescue abandoned children like Kusum from predatory streets and provide them lifelong care with the love they should have rightfully received from their real mothers — who cast them aside because the children were either challenged, deformed or illegitimate. The Sisters perform these daily miracles without expectation of reward or favour.

For the 23 years that I knew Mother Teresa, I witnessed the growth of her organisation till it had covered almost 600 orphanages, old age homes, leprosy and feeding stations, and schools and homes for the dying, in 123 countries. However, I used to worry about what would happen to the Order that she had founded when she passed away. I had seen many Orders decline steeply after their charismatic founders died. In the course of writing her biography, I felt the need to ask her how an organisation that had grown exponentially during her lifetime could possibly survive without her at the helm.

The first time that I attempted to do so, she did not answer, but instead pointed a finger heavenwards. A few weeks later I tried again, but this time she just laughed my question away. It is very awkward for most of us to repeatedly discuss the death of a parent or elderly relative or a friend with the person directly. But as a biographer, I had to persist. On the third occasion, she finally gave me her answer. She told me that I had visited so many of her “homes” — in India, in Europe and the U.S. Her Sisters everywhere did the same kind of work, wore the same saris woven by ex-leprosy sufferers, lived and worked the same rigorous schedule; yet Mother Teresa was not everywhere. And then in a gentle dig, she asked why her organisation could not be as well organised as one in the government. She added a crucial caveat. As long as the Missionaries of Charity remained wedded to its special fourth vow — that of providing wholehearted free service to the poorest of the poor — and did not end up serving the middle classes or the rich, “we will be all right,” she said.

Many friends have asked me how Mother Teresa’s organisation has fared over the years since her death in 1997. My answer is based on the underlying spirit of the Sisters and Brothers of her Order whose abiding faith in God is their anchor. That is what propels these brave and always cheerful women and men to step out each day to scour the streets for those who have fallen by the wayside. For in the act of rescuing or caring, they are one with their God. Mother Teresa once explained this to me simply but meaningfully. “You can, at best, look after a few loved ones in your family. I can look after everyone, because for me they are all God.” This also helped in explaining her answer to a rich lady who visited her and saw her cleaning the ulcers of a leprosy patient. “I can never do this work for all the money in the world,” the lady said. “Nor can I,” answered Mother Teresa cheerfully. “But I do it for my love of Him.”

Divorced from reality

Ending this on a less cheerful note, after 41 years of experience in the government, I have had to conclude that the world of bureaucrats and planners, of which I too was a part, remains divorced from the reality of our poor. While we are still determining where to draw the poverty line, implementers like us hardly ever “adopt” an area in the country to see for ourselves if the schemes that look good on our files are being implemented on the ground — in whole or even in part.

Arguably, we need to take a leaf out of the book of the Ramakrishna Mission, or of Baba Amte’s and Mother Teresa’s continuing work, to better understand why we are still, 67 years after our Independence, so shamefully placed on the Human Development Index.

Five years ago, Kusum developed several complications related to her early deprivation. She died in a city hospital where the Sisters rushed her. She had enjoyed just a dozen years of love and security. She was just 18 when she died.

(Navin B. Chawla, former Chief Election Commissioner, is the author of Mother Teresa: The Authorized Biography. Today, he commemorates Mother Teresa’s 104th anniversary. E-mail: navinbchawla@hotmail.com)

Source: The Hindu

On Sikhs being a part of Hindus

In a country that takes pride in its many religions, cultures and customs, with each being unique and distinct, bunching up many of them under any one umbrella doesn’t seem to be taken too kindly. Earlier this month, it was RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat who received a lesson on the same.

Following his statement on “Sikhs being a part of Hindus”, he got a rather stern letter written by Minority Commission of Delhi member, Harvinder Singh Sarna, who noted: “Sikhs have their own way of worship and separate identity.”

He went on to add: “This is against the spirit of the Constitution and against the spirit of Independent India. In the Constitution those who have written it have recognised minorities – Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhist, etc.’’

“I request your good self that this statement should be taken back and no such statement should be issued in the interest of the country,” Mr. Sarna concluded.

Source: The Hindu

Over 300 Survivors and Descendants of Survivors of Victims of the Nazi Genocide Condemn Israel’s Assault on Gaza

As Jewish survivors and descendants of survivors and victims of the Nazi genocide we unequivocally condemn the massacre of Palestinians in Gaza and the ongoing occupation and colonization of historic Palestine. We further condemn the United States for providing Israel with the funding to carry out the attack, and Western states more generally for using their diplomatic muscle to protect Israel from condemnation. Genocide begins with the silence of the world.

We are alarmed by the extreme, racist dehumanization of Palestinians in Israeli society, which has reached a fever-pitch. In Israel, politicians and pundits in The Times of Israel and The Jerusalem Post have called openly for genocide of Palestinians and right-wing Israelis are adopting Neo-Nazi insignia.

Furthermore, we are disgusted and outraged by Elie Wiesel’s abuse of our history in these pages to justify the unjustifiable: Israel’s wholesale effort to destroy Gaza and the murder of more than 2,000 Palestinians, including many hundreds of children. Nothing can justify bombing UN shelters, homes, hospitals and universities. Nothing can justify depriving people of electricity and water.

We must raise our collective voices and use our collective power to bring about an end to all forms of racism, including the ongoing genocide of Palestinian people. We call for an immediate end to the siege against and blockade of Gaza. We call for the full economic, cultural and academic boycott of Israel. “Never again” must mean NEVER AGAIN FOR ANYONE!

Source: IJAN 

Added Read:

Jewish Holocaust survivors from around the world call for justice in Gaza

President Pranab Mukherjee greets nation ahead of I-day: Full text

IndiaToday.in  New Delhi, August 14, 2014 | UPDATED 19:40 IST

President Pranab Mukherjee

Fellow citizens, on the eve of 67th anniversary of our Independence, I extend warm greetings to you and to all Indians around the world. I convey my special greetings to members of our armed forces, paramilitary forces and internal security forces. I also congratulate all our sportspersons, who have participated and won laurels in the recently-concluded Commonwealth Games held at Glasgow.

Friends, freedom is a celebration; independence is a challenge. In the 68th year of freedom, we have reaffirmed the power of our individual and collective liberties by electing through a remarkably peaceful electoral process, a stable government with a clear majority for a single party, after three decades. The increase in voter turnout to 66 per cent from the last election's 58 per cent shows the vitality of our democracy. This achievement has given us an opportunity to take up the challenge of governance by reforming the policies, practices and systems of governance so that the enormous aspirations of our people can be fulfilled with vision, commitment, integrity, speed and administrative capability.

Stagnant minds create immobile systems which become roadblocks to growth. India demands creative thinking in governance that enables fast-track development and ensures social harmony. The nation has to be placed above partisan impulses. The people come first.

In a democracy, good governance is exercise of power for efficient and effective management of our economic and social resources for the well-being of the people. This power has to be exercised within the framework of the Constitution through the institutions of state. With the passage of time and changes in the eco-system, distortions do appear making some institutions dysfunctional. When one institution does not function in the manner expected of it, phenomenon of overreach sets in. While some new institutions might become necessary, the real solution lies in re-inventing and restoring the existing ones to serve the purpose of effective government.

Good governance is critically dependent on rule of law, participatory decision-making, transparency, responsiveness, accountability, equity and inclusiveness. It calls for wider involvement of the civil society in the political process. It calls for deeper engagement of the youth with the institutions of democracy. It calls for quick dispensation of justice to the people. It calls for ethical and responsible behaviour from the media.

A country of our size, heterogeneity and complexity calls for culture-specific governance models. It calls for cooperation in the exercise of power and assumption of responsibility, by all stakeholders. It calls for constructive partnership between the state and the citizen. It calls for taking a responsive administration to the door step of every hut and habitation in the land.

Fellow Citizens, the decisive challenge of our times is to end the curse of poverty. The focus of our policies now has to move from alleviation of poverty to elimination of poverty. The difference is not mere semantics: alleviation is a process; elimination is a time-defined objective. In last six decades, the poverty ratio has declined from over 60 per cent to less than 30 per cent. Even then, nearly one-third of our population still lives below the poverty line. Poverty is not a mere statistic. Poverty has a face, which becomes unbearable when it scars the visage of a child. The poor cannot, and will not, wait for yet another generation to see the very essentials of life - food, shelter, education and employment - being denied to them. The benefits from economic development must percolate down to the poorest of the poor.

In the last decade, our economy grew at an average rate of 7.6 per cent per year. Though the growth rate was subdued at below 5 per cent during the last two years, I sense renewed vigour and optimism in the air. Signs of revival are visible. Our external sector has strengthened. Fiscal consolidation measures are beginning to show results. Notwithstanding occasional spurts, inflation has started moderating.  However, food prices still remain a matter of serious concern.  Record food grains production last year helped agriculture sector to grow at a healthy 4.7 per cent. Employment has increased by an average of about 4 per cent per year in the last decade. Manufacturing sector is on the rebound. The stage is now set for our economy to move on a high growth trajectory of 7 to 8 per cent, which is essential to ensure the availability of adequate resources for equitable development.

Fellow Citizens, economy is the material part of development. Education is the essential part of it. A sound education system is the bedrock of an enlightened society. It is the bounden duty of our educational institutions to provide quality education and inculcate the core civilizational values of love for motherland; compassion for all; tolerance for pluralism; respect for women; performance of duty; honesty in life; self-restraint in conduct, responsibility in action and discipline in young minds. By the end of the Twelfth Five Year Plan, we would have achieved a literacy rate of eighty per cent. But would we be able to say that we have provided quality education and skills to our children to be good citizens and successful professionals?

Our thoughts are influenced by our environment. "Yadrishi Bhavana Yasya; Siddhir Bhavati Tadrishi". It means, "Whatever are one's thoughts, so will be the outcomes". Clean environment breeds clean thoughts. Cleanliness is a mark of self-respect. Ancient travellers like Megasthenes in the 4th Century BC, Fa Hien in the 5th Century AD and Hiuen Tsang in the 7th Century AD, when they came to India, have written about the efficient administrative systems, with planned settlements and good urban infrastructure. What has gone wrong with us now? Why can't we keep our environment free of filth? The Prime Minister's call to honour the memory of Mahatma Gandhi on his 150th birth anniversary, by making India a clean country by 2019 is commendable, but it can be achieved only if each Indian converts this into a national mission. Every road, every path, every office, every home, every hut, every river, every stream, every particle in the air around us can be kept clean, if we but cared just a little. We must nurture nature, so that nature continues to nurture us.

Though an ancient civilization, India is a modern nation with modern dreams. Intolerance and violence is a betrayal of the letter and spirit of democracy. Those who believe in the poison drip of inflammatory provocation do not understand India's values or even its present political impulses. Indians know that progress, economic or social, is difficult without peace. This may be the appropriate moment to recall the great Shivaji's letter to Aurangzeb when the latter imposed jizya. Shivaji told the emperor that Shah Jehan, Jehangir and Akbar could also have levied this tax "but they did not give place to bigotry in their hearts, as they considered all men, high and low, created by God to be examples of the nature of diverse creeds and temperaments". This 17th century epistle of Shivaji carries a message, which is universal. It must become a living testament that guides our behaviour today.

We can least afford to forget this message at a time when an increasingly turbulent international environment has sparked off rising dangers in our region and beyond, some clearly visible, and some crawling out of the debris of unprecedented turmoil. Across parts of Asia and Africa, attempts are being made by radical militias to redraw the maps of nations to create a geography for theocratic ideology. India will feel the heat of blowback, particularly as it represents the values that reject extremism in all its manifestations. India is a beacon of democracy, equilibrium, inter-and-intra faith harmony. We must defend our secular fabric with vigour. Our security and foreign policies must combine the steel of strength with the velvet of diplomacy even as we persuade the like-minded as well as the hesitant to recognise the substantial dangers that breed within indifference.

Fellow Citizens, our Constitution is a consequence of our democratic culture, which reflects our ancient values. It pains me to note that this great national asset is becoming increasingly vulnerable to rash excess. Our right to freedom continues to flourish, and may that always be the case, but what about our duty to the people? I sometimes wonder: has our democracy become too noisy? Have we lost the art of contemplation and calm thinking? Is it not the time to restore the grandeur and glory of our institutions that have sustained and nourished our beautiful democracy? Should not Parliament again become the great hall of sombre thought and well-debated legislation? Should not our courts of law become temples of justice? This calls for collective action by all the stakeholders.

A nation is very young at 68. India has the will, energy, intellect, values and unity to claim the 21st century. The vision to win the battle of freedom from poverty is set; the journey will seem formidable only to those without conviction. As an old saying goes, "Sidhir Bhavati Karmaja", which means, "success is born of action".

Now is the time for action!

Jai Hind.

Source: indiatoday

President Pranab Mukherjee warns: ‘Poison drip’ of bigotry…fading institutions

Express News Service | New Delhi | August 15, 2014 4:36 am

He also emphasised the importance of institutions in good governance. (Source: PTI)

Quoting Shivaji’s letter to Aurangzeb decrying bigotry, President Pranab Mukherjee, in his Independence Day-eve address to the nation on Thursday, warned against “the poison drip of inflammatory provocation”, and “intolerance and violence”.

He also emphasised the importance of institutions in good governance. “I sometimes wonder: has our democracy become too noisy? Have we lost the art of contemplation and calm thinking? Is it not the time to restore the grandeur and glory of our institutions that have sustained and nourished our beautiful democracy? Should not Parliament again become the great hall of sombre thought and well-debated legislation? Should not our courts of law become temples of justice? This calls for collective action by all the stakeholders,” he said.

“With the passage of time and changes in the ecosystem, distortions do appear making some institutions dysfunctional. When one institution does not function in the manner expected of it, phenomenon of overreach sets in… While some new institutions might become necessary, the real solution lies in re-inventing and restoring the existing ones to serve the purpose of effective government,” said Mukherjee.

Describing “intolerance and violence” as a “betrayal of the letter and spirit of democracy”, he said, “Those who believe in the poison drip of inflammatory provocation do not understand India’s values or even its present political impulses. Indians know that progress, economic or social, is difficult without peace. This may be the appropriate moment to recall the great Shivaji’s letter to Aurangzeb when the latter imposed jizya. Shivaji told the Emperor that Shah Jahan, Jahangir and Akbar could also have levied this tax but they did not give place to bigotry in their hearts.”

He said this message is particularly relevant at a time when India risks a “blowback” from the turmoil in parts of Asia and Africa.

Source: The Indian Express

Constitution prone to rash excess, says Pranab

Home                                                                                                 New Delhi, August 14, 2014
Updated: August 15, 2014 02:30 IST

Amit Baruah

PTI
“Those who believe in the poison drip of inflammatory provocation do not understand
India’s values or even its present political impulses," President Pranab Mukherjee said 
in his address to the nation on the eve of Independence Day in New Delhi on Thursday.

In his customary Independence Day-eve address, the President wondered whether Indian democracy had become too noisy and should not Parliament again become the great hall for sombre thought.

The Constitution was becoming “increasingly vulnerable” to rash excess while institutional dysfunction led to the “phenomenon of overreach,” President Pranab Mukherjee warned on Thursday.

His comments came on a day when Parliament passed two key Bills that allow for fundamental changes in the method of appointing judges to the higher judiciary.

In his customary Independence Day-eve address, the President wondered whether Indian democracy had become too noisy and should not Parliament again become the great hall for sombre thought.

Pointing to institutional decay, Mr. Mukherjee said, “Should not our courts of law become temples of justice? This calls for collective action by all the stakeholders.”

Welcoming the emergence of a stable government with a clear majority for the first time after three decades, the President said the country demanded fast-track development with social harmony.

Dwelling on institutional dysfunction, Mr. Mukherjee stressed that while new institutions might become necessary, the real solution lay in re-inventing existing ones.

The President felt the economy was all set to grow at seven to eight per cent as signs of revival were visible. “However, food prices still remain a matter of serious concern.”

Warns of blowback from abroad

He warned that “intolerance and violence” were a betrayal of the letter and spirit of our democracy.

“Those who believe in the poison drip of inflammatory provocation do not understand India’s values or even its present political impulses,” the President stated.

Indians, he said, knew that progress was difficult without economic or social progress.

Pointing to the turbulent international environment at a time when the country was focused inwards, the President was frank about the dangers in the region and beyond of the ongoing unprecedented turmoil.

“Across parts of Asia and Africa, attempts are being made by radical militias to redraw the maps of nations to create a geography of theocratic ideology,” he said.

“India will feel the heat of blowback, particularly as it represents the values that reject extremism in all its manifestations…we must defend our secular fabric with vigour,” the President stressed.

In words of advice for the Government, the former Defence, Home, External Affairs and Finance Minister said India’s security and foreign policies must combine the “steel of strength with the velvet of diplomacy”.

India, he was of the opinion, must engage in the task of persuading the like-minded as well as the hesitant to recognise the substantial sangers that breed within indifference.

“Our Constitution is a consequence of our democratic culture, which reflects our ancient values. It pains me to note that this great national asset is becoming increasingly vulnerable to rash excess,” he stated.

“Have we lost the art of contemplation and calm thinking? Is it not time to restore the grandeur and glory of our institutions that have sustained and nourished our beautiful democracy?” .

Source: The Hindu 

Hate Story, old Script

Sunday Anchor    August 3, 2014
Updated: August 3, 2014 00:26 IST

Amit Baruah

  
There can be no growth with disaffection or violence. There can be no harmony with hate agendas. For the Modi government to live up to expectations, right-wing extremist elements have to be stopped from generating a climate of fear among the minority communities.

It’s been a little over two months since the Modi government took power in Delhi. While the official focus has been on fixing the economy and getting down to the job of governance, extremist elements are feeling empowered to get on with their agenda.

Whether it is quack-educationist Dinanath Batra and the promotion of his textbooks, or the shocking image of a roti being forced into the mouth of a fasting Muslim man by a bunch of Shiv Sena MPs, there is a lot that shouldn’t have happened in the past 60 days.

Also read: Religion, culture and values

Less-known Bharatiya Janata Party leaders, too, have got into the fray. C.T. Ravi, a member of the BJP’s national executive, tweeted in the context of the recent Saharanpur riots, “Only the Gujarat model, that worked from 2002 in containing their [Muslims] rioting elements, can work. Apply across Bharat.”

Hate-mongering is something that appears to have become part and parcel of our politics. If Mr. Ravi spoke about the “Gujarat model”, his colleague Giriraj Singh, a former Bihar Minister and BJP leader, said during the election campaign in April that Narendra Modi’s critics should go to Pakistan.

In June, a Muslim techie was killed for wearing a skullcap. In the wake of the attack, many Muslims reportedly gave up on the skullcap.

It’s no secret that the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and its associates want to take control of the educational agenda and put in place textbooks that reflect its worldview. Apart from textbooks, they want to put in place people who will implement their agenda in educational institutions across the country.

Also read: Choice of ICHR chief reignites saffronisation debate

Today, there is no barrier to implement that agenda. The BJP is in power with strong numbers in Delhi and runs key State governments across northern India.

History-writing and teaching has been one of the major concerns of the Sangh Parivar and in the weeks and months ahead, we could well see the purging of secular academics from key government outfits that oversee higher education and research.

It is nobody’s case that teaching or research should be monochrome. In fact, diversity of opinion must be central to research and teaching in a country as diverse as India. But rational-thinking must form the bedrock of such research and thinking.

Hate-mongering and intolerance today have a readymade platform for delivery in social media. It might be a little difficult to espouse extreme views in face-to-face conversation, but social media make the job easier.

The use, or, if you like, abuse, of social media — Facebook and Twitter — allows the gutter of hatred to flow unfettered. The toxic material that flows in these gutters is corroding the rational and secular thought process.

And, as we know, social media also allow individuals to hide behind the cloak of anonymity. This anonymity is open to use by organisations and individuals to fulfil their nefarious designs, which can even lead to actual rioting situations.

The mass outflow from Bangalore of people hailing from Northeast India in 2012 on account of morphed pictures circulating on the Internet that they would be targeted is an example of social media’s “power”.

Communal relations and politics is an issue that has dogged India prior to its birth as a nation. There is little doubt that political parties, led by the Congress, have preyed on community fears to get votes and seats.

In-depth: Ayodhya Verdict

In fact, the failure of the Congress to institutionalise secular politics and deal firmly with rioters and hate-mongers has given a major fillip to communal elements in the country.

The Babri Masjid-Ram Janmabhoomi movement fanned by L.K. Advani and the BJP, which led to the criminal act of razing the Masjid to the ground in 1992, led to major political gains for the BJP even as Mr. Advani’s Rath Yatra led to riots in many cities of the country.

It is precisely this “political success” that places the lives of ordinary citizens and communal harmony in jeopardy. The resounding victory of the BJP in Uttar Pradesh in the Lok Sabha election following the Muzaffarnagar riots underlines yet again the political gains that can accrue through polarisation.

The Election Commission, which has competently conducted elections in the country, is found wanting when it comes to dealing with hate speech. Other than issuing notices, the commission has done precious little when it comes to tackling hate-filled speeches during the election campaign.

And, the buck does not stop with the Election Commission. Condoning criminality amounts to promoting impunity. There has to be a disincentive for those practising this type of politics.

The police and the judiciary are equally in the spotlight when it comes to dealing with rioters having a high or low profile. Much of the debate about 1984 Delhi or 2002 Gujarat killings would not have happened had there been justice for the victims.

It is good to have a debate and discussion on these issues. However, ensuring justice for the victims of the recent Muzaffarnagar riots appears to be missing from this debate. This needs to take centre stage.

India has its fair share of fault lines and problems. If the country is serious about growth, equity and power projection, then healthy inter-community relations are a must.

There can be no growth with disaffection or violence. And, there can be no harmony with agendas that drip with hate.

With the heat and dust of elections over and the Congress out of the way for the moment, the Modi government has to make good on all the expectations it has generated.

And, one of the enduring expectations from this government is just this — that the people and the country enjoy communal peace and harmony for growth and prosperity for all.

Source: The Hindu

DBS Therapy Effective for Parkinson’s Disease, Says Expert

By Express News Service   |   Published: 02nd August 2014 08:03 AM

Last Updated: 02nd August 2014 08:03 AM

Dr Charulata Sankhla of Hinduja Hospital at Mumbai speaking on Parkinson’s 
disease organised by the Nizam’s Institute of Medical Sciences in Hyderabad 
on Friday. | A Suresh Kumar

HYDERABAD: Although medication can provide respite to the patients affected by the Parkinson’s disease, it is advisable for them to opt for deep brain stimulation (DBS) therapy as long-term treatment measure,  Dr Praveen, neurosurgeon of the Nizam Institute of Medical Sciences here, has suggested.

In order to educate patients on the modern methods to treat the disease, the Parkinson’s Disease and Movement Disorder Society and the NIMS jointly conducted an awareness programme here on Friday.

The second most common neurodegenerative disease in the world, the Parkinson’s disease, primarily affects movements and speech, usually starting with tremors, stiffness and slowing of movements.

“In DBS therapy, the brain is stimulated by putting in a lead. These leads are connected to a pacemaker that delivers continuous stimulation to the brain. The therapy uses an implanted device, similar to pacemaker, to deliver electrical stimulation to precisely target areas of the brain. Stimulation of the se areas enables the brain circuits that control movement to function better,” he explained.

Dr Rupam Borgohainr of the department of neurology said, “For patients not capable of controlling their movements despite various combinations of medications and requiring significant relief due to their work requirement or experiencing serious side-effects of the medication, DBS therapy presents an effective solution.”

Source: The New Indian Express

శ్రీ కౌముది ఆగస్ట్ 2014

Historic step: Pandharpur temple allows non-Brahmin and women priests

Kamlesh Sutar   |   Headlines Today  |   Mumbai, August 1, 2014 | UPDATED 23:29 IST

Amidst of the Maalin tragedy, a historic development went unnoticed in Maharashtra. A path breaking leap that perhaps can be seen a strong step towards the annihilation of caste system and patriarchy that still rules the minds of India.

For the first time in its history of almost nine centuries, Non-Brahmin and female priests performed the Pooja of Lord Vitthal and Rukhmini on Friday.

The historic transition started with the Supreme Court verdict on January 15, 2014. The apex court had taken away the ancestral rights claimed by the Brahmin families, known as Badve and Utpat to appoint priests.

After the verdict the temple trust interviewed 129 candidates for the post temple priests. Highlight of the selection process was that most of the candidates that appeared were non-Brahmins and even 16 women candidates were interviewed.

Finally on Friday, five priests belonging to backward classes performed Pooja along with upper caste Brahmins at the historic Vitthal temple and 2 women priests performed pooja at the Rukhmini temple in Pandharpur.

In a society that is still dominated by caste system and patriarchy, allowing women and people of lower castes to perform pooja at the temple may be seen as historic and pioneering by many. But those aware of the Maharashtra's social essence will see this development as a perfect complement to the very quintessence of the medieval Bhakti movement.

Poetry, literature and Social reforms flourished in the Bhakti movement. Saint Poet Dnyaneshwar (3th Century BC ) is seen as the pioneer of the Bhakti movement. Several great saint Poets Like Tukaram and Namdev were among others. All these saint poets worshipped Vitthal of Pandharpur.

At a time when caste system strongly dominated the society, these saints professed the message of equality. It was initially considered unorthodox, as it rebelled against caste distinctions and disregarded Brahmanic rituals which according to Bhakti saints were not necessary for salvation. In the course of time, however, owing to its immense popularity among the masses and even gaining royal patronage it became 'orthodox' and continues to be one of the most important modes of religious expression in modern India.

The bhakti movement is also seen as a prominent emancipator movement against the Brahminical caste domination. The devotees and the proponents of the movements mostly hailed from Non Brahmin castes. Dnyaneshwar and Eknath were Brahmins but were strictly against caste supremacy. Progressive Thinker and saint Poet Tukaram belonged to the Kunbi Community. Chokha Mela hailed from the untouchable Mahar community. Similarly , Savata belonged to the Mali(Gardener) caste, Sena belonged to Nhavi (Barber) caste, Goroba was a Kumbhar (Potter),Namdev- a Shimpi (Tailor) and so on. Similarly, women Saint poets like Saint Sakhubai, Muktabai, Kanhopatra, Janabai contributed immensely to the Warkari Sect.

Given the fact that the Bhakti movement was always above caste hierarchy and Brahmnical assertion, the new development in Vithhal temple of Pandharpur should be viewed as a continuation of the progressive thought that was professed by the great saint poets. From now on lower caste priests and women too have got the right to perform Pooja. A couple of years ago, another decision in Maharashtra was hailed by rationalist and that was allowing women into the main sanctorum of the Mahalakshmi temple in Kolhapur.

Though caste system is abolished in India long ago , the discreet existence of the caste supremacy and patriarchy still hampers the social fabric of the country. But now the step to allow Lower castes and women to perform pooja in Pandharpur will be a giant leap in the long drawn efforts to annihilate caste from the society and giving women equal rights. The humanitarian message in the system is loud and clear, everybody is equal before the almighty. Just as Saint Chokha Mela who hailed from the untouchable caste wrote "Chokha Donga par bhaav naahi donga" which means Chokha may be from a inferior caste, but his devotion is not. Chokha Mela's thoughts have been given justice in spirit after 900 years.

Source: indiatoday

A century of Telugu dance traditions

Features » Friday Review            Hyderabad, July 24, 2014
Updated: July 24, 2014 19:57 IST

Neeraja Murthy

WITH A CREATIVE ZEAL Ashish Mohan Khokar and dancer Ananda Shankar Jayant. 
Photo: G. Ramakrishna

In focus The 16th edition of the annual dance magazine ‘attendance’, titled Telugu Traditions, chronicles the glorious history of classical dances of Telugus, with a focus on the future.

“This is my sweet 16 romance and the sweetest,” jokes Ashish Mohan Khokar, renowned dance historian, writer and founder of ‘attendance’, a magazine dedicated to dance, as he makes himself comfortable at Hotel Harita Plaza in Begumpet. Danseuse Ananda Shankar sitting next to him breaks into peals of laughter. The duo’s energy levels are at a high with the national launch of the 16th edition of ‘attendance’ titled Telugu Traditions. Over the past 15 years, ‘attendance’ has been taking a step back in time every year to narrate the story of classical danceculture in India. As the editor, publisher and writer of the dance magazine, Ashish travels far and wide and this is his first visit to Hyderabad. “attendance looks back, focuses and chronicles the milestones crossed by dancers, along with events as well as articles by experts. Every year we highlight a perspective, from putting a spotlight on performers to drawing attention to dance forms… it’s is an attempt to document and preserve the dance culture of India,” he says.

This year, ‘attendance’ with guest editor as Ananda Shankar Jayant looks back at all Telugu traditions in classical dance. (“There may be political boundaries but artistic boundaries are none.”). “A music lover could be in Czeckhoslvakia or Chikkaballapur and might not know the nuances but equally enjoys a Thyagaraja composition or a Rahman number. In the same way, the classical dance traditions could be in many styles but still one looks at them all in awe,” says Ashish.

Telugu Traditions looks at the spectrum of myriad classical dance traditions of the Telugus — Kuchipudi, Andhra Natyam and Vilasini Natyam.

While Pratima Sagar has designed the layout, the book has 55 articles. “The narrative spans Telugu dance traditions from the ’20s in their myriad manifestations, through the fading voices of nonagenarian gurus, coursing through the vision of extraordinary performers and teachers, across nearly a century, who have written the history of Telugu Yakshagana, Kuchipudi, Andhra Natyam, Vilasini Natyam and Perini,” reveals Ananda.

The book includes a host of articles, interviews, personal memoirs, books, research articles, and write-ups highlighting the creative journey of unique artistes, who have shared personal stories of their lives in dance, in-depth articles on repertoire covering Bhamakalapam, Golla Kalapam, Yakshagana, Simhanandini, path-breakers holding the Kuchipudi flag aloft overseas, senior performers and teachers in India and male dancers making a mark.

Also finding space in the book are snippets from Telugu films, filmmakers (like an interview with K. Viswanath for Sankarabharanam) and film music that encompassed classical dance in various forms.

Besides overseas contributions, the yearbook also looks at early gurus who choreographed for films, television dance archives and even the attempts to garner Guinness book records.

The book is not just a chronicle of the glorious history of Dance among Telugus, but has its eyes set on the future too. The spotlight is on young talent, such as the emerging dancer in Kuchipudi, Yamini Reddy.

Ashish says Telugu Traditions will be a one-stop companion for dancers, academicians, young researchers, scholars and policy makers (“especially when it comes to choosing dancers for awards”).

For Bharatanatyam dancer Ananda, it has been a shift in gear for a year now. “Being the guest editor is my thanksgiving offering to Kuchipudi,” smiles Ananda, who has also been trained in Kuchipudi. While Ashish has already begun his work on the next year’s issue of ‘attendance’, a tribute to Zohra Sehgal, he is happy and satisfied with the outcome of Telugu Traditions. “The delivery for the 16th child has been an easy one,” he smiles.

Source: The Hindu

Misunderstanding a good judgment

Opinion » Comment                                                                 July 19, 2014
Updated: July 19, 2014 02:51 IST

Saif Mahmood
 

FAITH AND LAW: The Court’s judgment will neither stop ignorant
mullas from issuing bizarre fatwas nor prevent ill-informed people from
publicly expressing their ostensibly anti-Islamic prejudices under the
garb of supporting equality. Photo: K. Murali Kumar

The Supreme Court ruling on fatwas is mindful not only of the law of the land and the deplorable condition of Indian Muslims but also of religious sensitivities in the country

“Historical judgment in India: Fatwas, Shariat courts illegal, says Supreme Court”, “Supreme Court slams Shariat Courts, says fatwas are ‘illegal’”, “‘Shariat courts not legal’” — these are some of the headlines that were carried by national dailies in India. As the media went hammer and tongs in its pursuit to make people believe that shariat courts have, indeed, been banned by the apex court, ill-informed ‘experts’ hailed this exceptional “Constitutional victory”, and Muslim clerics refuse to tolerate “judicial interference” in their religious affairs.

Has the Supreme Court really held that shariat courts and fatwas are “illegal”? A bare reading of its judgment delivered on July 7 in Vishwa Lochan Madan v. Union of India would suggest otherwise.

Resolving disputes

At the outset, both the Court and the petitioner have confused two issues. The first is of fatwas being issued by clerics, and the second is of shariat courts. The two issues are independent and distinct. A fatwa is an opinion on a religious matter which ought to be sought from and delivered by a well-read religious scholar. In practice, however, Muslims seek such opinions from maulvis presiding over small mosques in every nook and corner of the country, who are often far too ignorant to even lead prayers, much less render scholarly opinions on sensitive inter-personal issues. Clerics, both well-read and ill-informed, have been rendering such opinions on a variety of issues ranging from the correct method of cooking food to the pre-requisites of a valid divorce. As is the case with every opinion, it is up to the querist to accept or reject it. Undoubtedly, the religious flavour of such opinions read with the religious sensitivities of Indian Muslims demands that, at the very least, strict self-regulatory rules ought to be framed in this matter.

From the early twentieth century, an institution called the Dar-ul-Qaza, known in common parlance as the shariat courts, has been operating in many parts of the country. The Dar-ul-Qaza is devised as a permanent alternative dispute resolution (ADR) mechanism to resolve family disputes of consenting parties. Like in arbitration, if both parties agree, instead of a civil court they may approach the Dar-ul-Qaza for resolution of their disputes. The Dar-ul-Qaza does not issue fatwas. It also does not administer criminal law; it simply resolves family disputes by applying principles of Islamic law, which even civil courts are bound to apply in cases where both parties are Muslim (just like if both parties are Hindu, the disputes will be resolved in accordance with Hindu law). Muslims, like all other citizens, continue to be governed by the law of the land and be subject to the jurisdiction of Constitutional courts in equal measure.

Issue before the Supreme Court

In 2005, a 28-year-old uneducated Muslim woman named Imrana was allegedly raped by her father-in-law in a village in Western Uttar Pradesh. A local Muzaffarnagar-based journalist approached the well-known Islamic seminary in nearby Deoband and, without disclosing the facts of this particular case, sought a general opinion (fatwa) on the status the marriage of a woman who has been raped by her father-in-law in a hypothetical case. An ill-informed cleric who had no business to render opinions in such sensitive matters, opined that, in such a case, the victim’s marriage with her husband would stand dissolved. He founded his opinion on the Quranic edict which commands men to “marry not the woman whom your father married”. It is needless to accentuate how bizarre the opinion was and how misplaced was the reliance on this salutary Quranic edict. The fatwa was, rightly, rubbished by scholars across the board. The matter rested there was never taken to the Dar-ul-Qaza.

Appalled by the absurdity of the fatwa and its ramifications, a Delhi-based lawyer approached the Supreme Court by way of a public interest petition and alleged that Muslim clerics who have set up shariat courts all over the country are rendering judgments like courts in the form of fatwas and are, thus, running a ‘parallel judiciary’ in the country. Somewhat confusingly, he clubbed together the two different and distinct issues of fatwa and establishment of shariat courts. In his petition, he impleaded as Respondents the Union of India, some States where Dar-ul-Qaza were running, and some Muslim religious organisations like the All India Muslim Personal Law Board, and sought declarations from the Supreme Court to the effect that the very establishment of the Dar-ul-Qaza was illegal and the fatwas so issued were void. He also sought a direction to the Union of India and the States concerned to forthwith take steps to disband all Dar-ul-Qazas throughout the country.

In response to the petition, all the Respondents took a common stand. Broadly speaking, their argument seemed two-fold — first, that the Dar-ul-Qazas were not in the nature of civil or criminal courts but were, in fact, institutions devised as ADR mechanisms. Like other ADR mechanisms, this could also be used by consenting parties to resolve their private disputes out of court; no one can be forced to acquiesce to the jurisdiction of the Dar-ul-Qaza. Second, fatwas issued by clerics were merely their opinions on given queries and like any other opinion they were not binding on anyone.

After seven years, the matter came up for hearing in the Supreme Court early this year. The Court did nothing to do away with the confusion between the two issues of fatwa and the establishment of Dar-ul-Qaza, perhaps because it was not asked to. It agreed with the Respondents that a fatwa is merely an opinion and neither a fatwa nor a decision of the Dar-ul-Qaza can be enforced like a court decree. According to the Court, for this reason, neither a fatwa nor a decision of the Dar-ul-Qaza has any “sanction under our Constitutional scheme.” However, it categorically upheld both the establishment and functioning of the Dar-ul-Qaza as well as the practice of issuing fatwas, adding that “this does not mean that existence of Dar-ul-Qaza or for that matter, practice of issuing fatwas are themselves illegal. It is (an) informal justice delivery system with an objective of bringing about amicable settlement between the parties. It is within the discretion of the persons concerned either to accept, ignore or reject it.” Holding that fatwas and shariat court decisions were not legally enforceable, the Court refused to grant any of the prayers sought in the petition.

A sensible decision

However, the Court was disturbed by the practice of clerics issuing fatwas on the request of third parties who were strangers to the dispute in question, like in the Imrana case. Mindful of the fact that “since fatwa gets its strength from religion… it causes serious psychological impact on the person intending not to abide by that” and “has the potential of causing immense devastation”, the Court “advised” clerics, and rightly so, that in inter-personal disputes, fatwas ought not to be issued at the request of strangers. With these observations, the Court rejected the prayers. Shariat courts were not declared illegal, fatwas were not declared void and directions were not issued to the government to disband the shariat courts.

The Supreme Court judgment, though it could have been better-worded, is sensible. It is mindful not only of the law of the land and the deplorable condition of Indian Muslims but also of religious sensitivities in the country. It seeks to strike a judicious balance among all three. However, the judgment does not make any practical difference to the legal position as it existed till the day it was delivered. It will neither stop the self-seeking ignorant mullas from issuing bizarre fatwas, which are an onslaught on the basic tenets of Islam, nor prevent ill-informed people from publicly expressing their ostensibly anti-Islamic prejudices under the garb of supporting the cause of equality before law.

(Saif Mahmood is an advocate of the Supreme Court. )

Source: The Hindu