Tuesday, October 06, 2015

Operation Juliet: Busting the Bogey of “Love Jihad”

Updated: Oct 04, 2015 08:21 PM

By Shazia Nigar and Shishupal Kumar and Bureau

A Cobrapost and Gulail investigation reveals how the RSS–VHP–BJP combine and their splinter groups use violence, intimidation, emotional blackmail, duplicity and drugs to split up Hindu–Muslim married couples. These organisations claim Muslim men entice and marry Hindu girls in the name of “love jihad”. The groups target not only Hindu girls and women who marry outside their religion, as it is commonly believed, but also their Muslim or Christian partners. The investigation reveals that there is a systematic effort towards using love jihad to polarise communities along communal lines.

New Delhi: A long investigation jointly conducted by Cobrapost and Gulail into the so-called phenomenon of “love jihad” reveals that the RSS–VHP–BJP combine and their sister outfits use violence, intimidation, fraudulent means, emotional blackmail and drugs to rescue Hindu girls from their Muslim husbands who allegedly trick them into marriage. The campaign against this “love jihad” is part of the larger game plan of the Sangh Brotherhood to spread the venom of hatred against the Muslim community by creating a perceived threat for the majority Hindus. Complicit in this campaign are a permissive police force and administration.

In the course of this investigation, the Cobrapost and Gulail team met leaders and workers of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP) such as BJP MP from Muzaffarnagar and Minister of State for Agriculture Sanjeev Kumar Balyan; BJP MLA from Thana Bhawan in Uttar Pradesh Suresh Rana; BJP MP from Kairana in UP Hukum Singh; BJP MLA from Sardhana Sangeet Som; BJP’s district level leader in Muzaffarnagar Sanjay Agarwal; Umesh Malik, who contested the Assembly election from Budhana on a BJP ticket and lost; RSS leader Omkar Singh in Muzaffarnagar; Lalit Maheshwari, VHP’s Muzaffarnagar unit head. Down south in Karnataka and Kerala, the team met Shrikar Prabhu, Karnataka BJP’s executive member who has since been expelled from the party; BJP MLC from Mangalore Captain Ganesh Karnik; Advocate Jagdish Shenava, VHP’s Mangalore district president; VHP worker Hari Shiv Prasad; Shiv Kumar Sharma, the founder of Krishna Sena, a religious organization; and the chief of Hindu Unity Fourm Ravish Tantri.

The interviews that the team had with this Hindutva brigade bring forth the following truths about “love jihad”:

Ø They forcibly rescue girls who are victims of “love jihad.”

Ø They misuse public support for mounting pressure on police and local administration to nullify such marriages.

Ø They file fake rape and kidnapping cases against Muslim youth who elope with or marry Hindu women.

Ø They use fake documents showing girls as minor so as to implicate the Muslim boys.

Ø If a Hindu woman is not willing to give a statement against her Muslim lover or husband or is not willing to forsake him, they use emotional blackmail and physical force to make her fall in line.

Ø They even administer medicinal drugs on “love jihad” victims to induce temporary amnesia to rescue them from inter-religious marriages.

Ø Interestingly, not a single woman, they claimed to have rescued, ever sought their help saying she was a victim of “love jihad.”

Ø They distribute inflammatory pamphlets and books to further their cause.

Ø They run counselling centres and Hindu helplines to brainwash Hindu women who marry outside their community into giving up on their love life and settle for the man chosen by the Hindutva Brigade.

Ø These counselling sessions consist of a poor depiction of the man she is in love and denigration of his religion, call to her family and community honour, instilling a sense of insecurity in the woman with regard to her future and use of threat of physical harm to both her and her lover.

Apart from claiming to have employed such dirty tricks to rescue the so-called victims of “love jihad”, the Hindu brigade interviewed claimed “love jihad” was responsible for Muzaffarnagar riots that took place a couple of months before Uttar Pradesh assembly elections. Two of leaders Sanjeev Baliyan and Umesh Malik confessed to their roles in these riots. Among these fanatics, we have Shiv Kumar, the founder of Krishna Sena, who claims to have been a Hindu terrorist whose job was to kill people from minority communities.

The target of this campaign of restoring women to Hindu fold are not only Muslim or Christian men, as is the common belief, but also the women themselves who have married or are in a relationship outside of their religion.

As the Gulail investigation reveals, there is a systematic effort towards using the phenomenon of “love jihad” to polarise communities along communal lines. “Love jihad” is a potent mix of patriarchy and communalism which not only curbs the freedom of choice of the Hindu girl but also paints the Muslim community as an enemy in one stroke. Young lovers are denied freedom to choose their partners and are punished if they dare to do so. Stray incidents of inter-religious couples eloping are portrayed as a conspiracy devised by the Muslim community to trap Hindu women and increase their population. This leads to a sense of insecurity, and Muslims are perceived as a threat, leading to communal tensions.

Our team visited Muzaffarnagar and Meerut in Uttar Pradesh, Mangalore in Karnataka, and Kasaragod and Ernakulum in Kerala, apart from Delhi, to find the true story behind “love jihad”. Infiltrating the ranks of these groups, we discovered a sinister twist to “love jihad”: it was carried out with sanctions from the very top, from the BJP, VHP and RSS. Gulail have on camera BJP MLAs and heads of the right-wing groups admitting to their role in violent and illegal activities related to “love jihad” and how they manipulated, intimidated, used force and blackmail with Hindu girls who had eloped and married Muslim boys. The communal and patriarchal base of “love jihad” means that the immediate victims are not only Muslim men but also Hindu women.

These right wing groups show no remorse and even boast about how they slapped fabricated cases of rape and kidnapping on innocent Muslim men and how they forced “uncooperating” Hindu women – who married Muslim men – to toe their line and give false testimonies against their husbands. Apart from exposing the communal mind set of those involved, their own admission is evidence of how they have broken the law at several levels, including the use of medicinal drugs on Hindu women to induce temporary amnesia.

Pretending to be an M Phil student from Jawaharlal Nehru University in Delhi who has worked with right wing student organisation Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) and is sympathetic to their agenda of Hindutva, our correspondent Shazia Nigar explored the underbelly of “love jihad” in Muzaffarnagar, Karnataka and Kerala. This is what she found.

Across Uttar Pradesh, Karnataka and Kerala, the narrative around what the BJP, RSS and VHP define as “love jihad” is eerily similar. Umesh Malik, who contested MLA elections from Budhana on a BJP ticket and lost, addressed a panchayat in Phugana village in Muzaffarnagar on January 29, 2014. Referring to rape cases the police were slapping the rioters with in aftermath of the Muzaffarnagar riots, Umesh Malik tells the panchayat, “Behla ke, phusla ke, jhoot bol ke, kisi bhi tareeke se jail bhej dein. Ye prashasan kar raha hai. Iske upar vichaar karna padega. 100 ke 100 per cent jhoote hain (The government is trying to send people to jail by cajoling them, by lying, by using all means. We have to think over this. It is a 100 per cent lie).”

Preparing the grounds for the Sarv panchayat, Umesh Malik continues to stoke people’s passions by portraying these rape cases as a matter of family honour for the accused. Exhorting the gathering, he says, “Saathiyon, buzurgon aur naujawano, agar is balatkaar ke mamle main hum jail jaate hain toh humare pure pariwaar ka samaan ghat jayega aur sau barson tak bhulaya nahin ja sakta (Friends, elders and the youth, if in these rape cases we go to jail then our families’ honour will dwindle and will not be forgotten for a hundred years to come).” Depicting the issue as a question of honour for the Hindu community is bound to create hurdles for effective delivery of justice and thus is a subversion of the criminal justice system.

Umesh Malik adds, “Kahin agar humari matao aur beheno ki samman ki baat aati hai, humari bahu betiyon ki samman ki baat aati hai, toh main iss khadi panchayat main kehta hun ki kahin na kahin mar bhi sakte hain aur maar bhi sakte hain (If our mothers and sisters’ honour is at stake, our daughters-in-law and our daughters’s honour is at stake, then I say in this panchayat that if we can die we can kill also).”

In his conversation with Shazia, Malik brands the famous Islamic school of Deoband something as training Muslim boys for “love jihad.” He says: “Those people (Muslims) have eight children, ten children and they send one or two of them to Deoband. There the handsome ones are selected and trained to trap Hindu girls. They are told if they do this Allah will be pleased with them. Their religion says this. They do this work of trapping our girls and making them elope. In the last four months, 27 girls have eloped.”

Umesh Malik, however, denies that the BJP is involved in combating “love jihad” and he blames the VHP. “BJP mein iss prakaar ki koi niti nahi hai, BJP ka movement ham log hai, panchayat hai, ye BJP ke logon ne ki thi. Baki jo pamphlets vagairah baantne, patther marne iss prakar ki ghatnaye VHP vagairah ne ki (BJP doesn’t do any such kind of work. The BJP’s movement mainly includes conducting panchayats. Distributing pamphlets and pelting stones is done by the VHP).”

He adds, “Jo patrak wagairah baante pamphlets wagairah baantey hai logon ko Hindutva kay liye aggressive karna yeh thoda darasal Sangh ka aur VHP ka kaam hai... mai toh kahin na kahin Hinduwadi hu na RSS aur VHP aur Bajrang Dal aur Swadeshi Jagran Manch inhi ka nikla hua karyakarta hu mai to karunga. Normally BJP ke political log aisa nahi karte hain (Jobs like distributing pamphlets to make people aggressive for Hindutva ... such things are done by groups like VHP and RSS... I am a Hinduwadi and have been associated with RSS and VHP or Bajrang Dal or Swadeshi Jagran Manch. Normally, BJP politicians do not indulge in such things).”

Like some of his band of brothers, Malik did not go into a denial mode when Shazia, after revealing her true identity, sought his comment on what he had claimed in this interview. Instead, he said: “Nahi story jaa rahi hai badi achi baat hai jaani chahiye. Ye message samaj ke beech mein jana chahiye ki kaun asli doshi hai (It is good to know that story is going to be release. It should be published. The society should know who the real culprits are).”

Hukum Singh, BJP MP from Kairana in Uttar Pradesh echoes what Umesh Malik has said. Accusing as much Muslim youth of enticing Hindu girls as he rues the freedom that Hindus give their daughters while Muslims are becoming far more conservative, Hukum Singh offering moral policing as a solution to the menace of “love jihad.” He says, “If a father, as a Hindu, wants his children not to be influenced by such a culture, he needs to be alert. RSS is talking about this, BJP is talking about this. BJP is doing it through politics and RSS is doing it through social awakening.” Hukum Singh was named in the FIR filed by the Uttar Pradesh Police for allegedly inciting the communal riots in Muzaffarnagar and Shamli last year.

He also has a counter-strategy to nail the culprits. “Nahi, counter karne ki strategy toh maine bataya ... by through proper channel law ka dawara hona chahiye (I have a counter strategy... through proper channel of law).” Hukum Singh explains how it all works. “Law mein hum yeh fail ho rahe hain toh ladki bayaan de di thane mein ja ke main iske sath mein rahungi... ab strategy ismein kya hogi... strategy toh yahi hogi BJP ki government ayegi phir psychological atmoshphare banega aur jab psychological atmoshphare banega toh koi Muslim dare nahi karega iski ye jo main kah rha hu ye toh strategy hai let Modi come and no Mohhamedan will dare sahas bhi nahi kare kisi Hindu ladki ki taraf dekhne ka aur hath lagane ki (We are failing before law as the girl gives statement in the police station that that she would to stay with the boy... what strategy are we possibly going to use in this? The strategy is to catapult the BJP to form the government, which will change the psychological atmosphere. So, in that changed atmosphere, no Muslim will dare. The strategy is: let Modi come to power, then no Mohmmedan will dare look at any of Hindu girls let alone touching them).” In case it comes to that point, they will do everything to counter the “love jihad”: “Sab kuch jam kar dengey, sadkey jam kar dengey, unka rahna mushkil kar denge, Assembly mey sawaal utha dengey, saari jitni bhi hamarey paas option available hai karenge sab kuch (We will block out everything, we will block roads, we will make life difficult for them, we will raise questions in the Assembly and do whatever is possible for us and whatever options are available).”

BJP Lok Sabha member from Muzaffarnagar Sanjeev Balyan says, “Every village has a maulvi. They have an organised system. Maulvis sit in masjids and decisions are passed onto them from above. The maulvi conveys this to the people and they listen to him. They don’t use their brains, they don’t think. The maulvi asks them to produce children, so they do. The maulvi says that Muslims have ruled over this land for 700–800 years and they will again. They talk about such things. They do not understand. There is such a dangerous conspiracy to expand this operation.”

When our correspondent asks him about “love jihad” in Muzaffarnagar, Balyan says, “Dekho hua kya yeh love jihad wala maamla, vakai ismein bahut kuch na kuch sachchai hai dekho detail ye toh nahin kah sakta main bilul ki main ye bata doon aapko lekin jis tarah se organizsed system chala uske peeche koi na koi cheez hai ya to koi sanstha hai ya kahin na kahin se log isko wo kar rahe hain kyonki jis tarah se ek mahaul banaya gaya naam badhaane ke liye shuruaati taur pe school ya college plus two tak ke school ke saamne ladke motor cycle pe ghoomte hain yeh pahne rahte hain kalawa, kalawa pahnana ek Hindu pehchan hai ye ak badi baat hui aur Hindu naam rakhe gaye Sonu, Monu jab ladki puri trah se usmein aa gai phir usko pata laga jab wo chali gai ki nahi main toh ek Hindu ke saath nahi toh usse pahle uska ye aise bahut se case hue (Look, there is some truth in these cases of love jihad around here. I can’t give much details, but things are being worked out in a very organised manner. There is someone or some organisation behind it. For instance, in the beginning, boys would roam around on motorcycles in front of schools and ten plus two colleges using Hindu names like Sonu, Monu tie a kalawa, pretending to be Hindus. A girl falls in this trap. She would come to know only after eloping with the boy that she is not with a Hindu. There have been a lot of such cases).”

Our correspondent tells him that Suresh Rana said that Sanjeev Balyan worked a lot to unite different castes. “How did you do it?” In reply, Hukum Singh blames the government for the divisive caste system and says, “Actually kya hua government ki policy hai ki caste mein inko baant diya jaae, caste mein actually har caste ka ek toh leader hai, mai Jat represent karta hun, Suresh Rana ji Thakur ko represent karte hain aur Bhuwan Singh hain woh Gujjar se hain. Toh hamara basically nuqsaan sabse zyada Jaton ko hua actually aur log unke saath aae to kahin na kahin sarkaar ne koshish ki har samudayon ko khush karne ki arre ye jaat hain tum mat jaao Jaton ka jhagda hai hamari to kosish shuru se aakhir tak ye thi ki nahi ye Jat ka nhi hai… uske bad to ye ho gya na Hindu Muslim phir ye jati ka bhed usme hamne bhi yahi prayas kiya (Yes, that was the government policy of dividing society into castes, and each of those castes have their own leaders. Like I represent the Jats, Suresh Rana ji represents the Thakurs and Bhuwan Singh represents the Gujjars. Among all of them, Jats faced the maximum damage due to love jihad. Others felt it’s the problem of Jats, let’s not get involved in that. So here our target was to bring all these castes as one, as Hindus and fight together against Muslims).”

On January 29, 2014, Sanjeev Balyan addressed a panchayat meeting in village Phugana in Muzaffarnagar where he incited people to not cooperate with investigations in the rape cases related to the riots and admitted giving a communal colour to events preceding the riots.

Sanjeev Balyan, in complete disregard for the lives lost and the 40,000 displaced in the communal riots, tells the panchayat: “Bhai mai nahin manta doshi kisi ko. Jis din jisne woh kaam kara uski kisiki kisise dushmani nahin thi. Jo dus hazar log purbaliyan bheje the, jinhone moth dekhi, unhone aake kara. Main kisi ko doshi nahin manta (I don’t consider anyone guilty. The day when they did it [rape], they did not have any enmity with anyone. I don’t consider anyone guilty).”

Such mobilisation is geared towards creating an atmosphere where the police machinery cannot function. Making an overt call for non-cooperation with the government towards delivering justice, Balyan says, “Mera shujhav hai ke prashashan ke paas baar baar na jao. Baar baar jane se humari takat kamzor ho... Ispe baat cheet karo hi na. Kyunki baat cheet ke bad beech ka rasta nikle ga. Ismein beech ka rasta koi nikalna nahin hai (I suggest not going to the administration again and again. By going repeatedly to them, we become weak. Don’t even talk about it. Because after talking there will be a compromise. In this there can’t be any compromise).”

Balyan’s address also revealed the BJP’s attempt to mobilise Hindus by portraying the riots and the perceived injustice by the state government as something that concerned not just the Jats but all caste groups. In Uttar Pradesh, where Mayawati's Bahujan Samaj Party could garner a sizable portion of the Dalit votes, this emphasis on the Hindu identity as opposed to caste identity is an important aspect of the BJP’s electoral campaign. Reminding people that they were one in this fight against a state government that is sympathetic to Muslims, Baliyan says “Saara danga isi ilake main hua hai, usmain saari jaati ke log hain. Aisa nahin hai ke sirf Jat hi Jat hain. Harijan bhi hain, saare hain. Aur har khap ke log hain (All the riots happened in this area, people from all castes were involved in it. It’s not as though there were Jats only. There were Harijans also, all were there. There were people from all khaps).”

He also says that there was an organised effort to give a communal turn to the events in Kawal, a village in Muzaffarnagar, which led to large scale rioting and killings of Muslims. Violence that had erupted between Jats and Muslims was portrayed as tension between Hindus and Muslims. Balyan admits that Jats, Thakurs and Dalits were mobilised and brought together by him and other members of the BJP. He says that he organised the first panchayat at Kutba, which was the centre point of violence, although he claims it was in response to the panchayat called by the Muslims.

To know if the BJP MP and Central minister still sticks to his earlier statements that he had made during his interview with Shazia, when the reporter spoke to him again, he did not disown what he had said.

Radhey Shyam, a VHP worker in Muzaffarnagar, says, “Love jihad issi wajah se hi toh hai ki tum kamzor ho tum char aadmio ko goli mar do unke love jihad agle hi din band ho jayega. Jaha unka ladka hamari ladki ke sath dikhai de goli mar do... 10 ladke agar hamare kurban ho gaye usmein toh kya fark pad jayegqa, kuch fark nahi padna hai agar hamari kaum bachti hai to 10–20 ki kurbani deni chahiye aur bina kurbani ke toh kuch chij nahi milti hai (Love jihad happens because you are weak. You just need to shoot a few people and it will stop the next day. If you see their boy with our girl, just shoot them... If 10 of our boys die, how does it matter? It won’t matter if our community is saved. 10–20 sacrifices are needed, and without sacrifice nothing can be achieved).”

When our reporter spoke to him again, before the release of the story, to remind him of their conversation and what all he had claimed about love jihad and how he had advocated violence against Muslims, he denied to have said any such thing: “Nahi violence ka kahin koi jikra nahi hai violence ka koi matlab bhi nahi hai (No, I never mentioned violence and violence has no use).”

BJP MLA from Sardhana Sangeet Som doesn’t care which party is running the government for they can browbeat the police and local administration into toing their line. He says, “Ab Hindustan hai aur Hindustan mein thik hai sarkar kisi ki bhi ho loktantrik desh mein toh apni baat manwaane ke aur bhi kai tareke hote hain na ye police ko bhi pata hai kal ko dharna denge pradarshan karenge usse danga failega to police bhi in saari cheezon ko samajhti hai to isliye majboori bhi hoti hai police ki cooperate karna (This is Hindustan and it does not matter which party is running the government. In a democratic country like this, there are many other ways to get things done. The police knows it well that we will do picketing, hold demonstration and all this will lead to rioting. So, they perforce co-operate with us).”

When asked how he makes a Hindu girl who has married a Muslim man understand and return to her parents, he says, “Ladki ko ye hi samjhaya jata hai beta ye tumhaare liye theek nahin hai aur dekhiye sabse badi baat ye hai ki Muslim logon mein toh ye hai hi nahin ki ek se shaadi kar li toh ab jaise Hinduon mein ek se shaadi kar liya toh doosri shaadi karega toh wo automatic jail chala jaega ye Hindustan mein 2–2 kanoon chal rahe hain na ki Muslim toh 4 se kar le hain to usse fir ye bataya jaata hai ki ye zaroori thode hi hai mujhe bata dijiye iss Hindustan mein aap kitni ladki agar kisi ke saath shaadi ki hai aur doosri ko adjust kar legi mujhe mujhe bata dijiye agar koi case aisa aaya hai ek aadh kuch per cent dekhiye rare case hote hain aur sabse badi baat ye ki usse emotionally samjhaaaya jaega ki teri maa mar jaegi tera baap mar jaega tera bhai suicide kar lega wo samaj mein baithne layak nahin rahega (We make her see the reason that this is not good for her. We tell her that they are Muslims, they never settle for one woman, whereas a Hindu boy will be automatically sent to jail if he does so. On the other hand, a Muslim can marry upto four women and those women can adjust among themselves. You tell me which Hindu girl will adjust like that? There are, of course, some exceptions. Such cases are rare… Most importantly we exert on her emotionally that her mother will die, her father will die and brother might even commit suicide as he would not be able to face the society).”

RSS leader Omkar Singh claims to have “saved” 125 girls from the clutches of Muslims. “Lagbhag 125 ladkiyan main Muslman ke changul se apni nikalwa chuka hu ab tak (I have rescued nearly 125 such girls from the clutches of the Muslims, till date).” He has done this with the help of police, he says, and got the girls remarried into Hindu families. He explains how they achieve this feat by slapping false cases against the Muslim boys: “Ladki jab ek bar phans jaati hai ladki phans gai Sonu Monu ke chakkar mey... iss type ke naam rakhte hai ab ladkiyon ko lagta hai tu toh phans gai teri zindagi kharab ho gai toh yahi rehne mein faayda hai... hum uss ladki ko pehle samjhate hai lekin ladki manti nahi phir ham ladke pe case lagwate hai pharji (After the girl has fallen for Sonu Monu... they [Muslim boys] use such names... the girls realize that their lives have been ruined, [they think] it is better to stay with them. Then we make them understand and if they still disagree, we file false cases against their men).”

To counter “love jihad”, the BJP, RSS and VHP conduct what they call “rescue operations”. These operations often involve forcibly separating the couple, using violence on both of them and slapping fabricated cases of kidnapping and rape on the Muslim husbands. These organisations have formed teams comprising lower level workers who keep an eye on cases of Hindu girls eloping with Muslim boys. Some of them also use right-wing leaning lawyers as informants. If an application is filed with the marriage registrar’s office under the Special Marriage Act, these lawyers tip these teams.

Sanjay Agarwal, who contested municipal elections on a BJP ticket in Muzaffarnagar in 2014, admits to have used force, violence and threats to compel girls to give false testimonies against Muslim boys, names senior RSS leaders from the town who have helped convert Muslim girls into Hindus and exposes his deep seated communal mind set when he says “We have to work towards ensuring every citizen of India is a Hindu.”

How does he spread awareness about “love jihad”? He says, “Aise samjhaya na kisi muhalle ki ladki chali gai... ladki aapko bataya aapki ladki ko Musalman le gya isliye le gaya waha pe bhi le gaya tha waha bhi le gaya tha ikattha karke sab mauhalle walo ne biradri ke log rahte hai na (We explain that their girl has been taken away by a Muslim and many such other girls have also been taken away, which automatically brings people of a colony together among whom are their own caste members).”

This is done in an organised way by holding meetings and telling people how Muslim men are enticing Hindu girls. “Sab jagah hoti hai har tarike se hoti hai aur meeting mein jagah jagah baithke hoti hain batchit hoti hai khub sari aisa hai na meeting ka madhayam ek nahi hota man liya chunav ki meeting hai jaise BJP ki meeting pe mai gaya aur mai Hinduwadi hu to mai apni baat karunga to main baat hi love jihad se shuru karunga aise aise karunga bhaiyo aaj desh ke samne jaise udaharan deta hu desh ke samne aaj sankat hai aaj Modi ji ko lana hai kyu lana aaj Hindutava ki aawashyakta hai Hindutwa ki aawashyakta kyun hai kyunki aaj Musalman hamari bachhiyo ko bhagane ka kam kar rahe hai love jihad ke naam pe jo iss kaam pe lage huey hain hamare fala gaon se fala ladki gai fala biradri ki ladki gai uss ladki ko ham nikal ke aaj loving jihad se nipatna hai Musalmano se niptna hai gaukasi ho rahi hai gayein kat rahi hain waha gay kat rahi hai matlab ak vishay nahi ham sab vishay lete hain aur ladai ladni hai to kon ladega ye ladai Modi ladege end me ghum ke phir Modi pea a gaye (We have meetings everywhere, we have discussions. The basic aim of any such meeting is not one thing. For example, there is a meeting held on elections, and I have gone on behalf of BJP, so, I start like this, saying, friends our country is in danger. We have to bring Modi ji. Why? Because we need more of Hinduism in this country. These Muslim men are snatching and stealing our girls from us, in the name of love jihad. Our such and such girl from such and such village was taken away and we have brought her back. Today, we have to fight love jihad. Cows are getting cut too! So basically there are many issues, we put forth and place Modi ji as the solution).”

Hold on! If the Hindu girls are lost to Muslims, then Muslim girls too are coming to Hindufold. Claims Sanjay Agarwal: “Aaj unki ladki humare yahan aa rahi hai, aaj hum woh kaam kar rahe hain. Lekin ab hum kehte nahin, batate nahin, bina batake chalte hain. Aaj humari ladki nahin ja rahi, aaj unki ladki aa rahi hai (Today their girls are coming to our homes, today we are doing that work. But we don’t say, don’t tell about it. We go about doing it silently. Today our girls are not going. Instead, their girls are coming to our fold).” However, he would not tell how they woe Muslim girls into marrying Hindus. Says Agarwal: “Ye nahin poocha karte. Ye sab cheezein nahin poocha karte. Ye toh tapasya hai (Don’t ask this. Don’t ask all this. This is penance).” Forbidding Shazia to not write all about how they do this and bring back Hindu girls, he says it will hurt the Hindu society.

However, Agarwal does not shy away from telling us how they bash up an unwilling Hindu girl to bring her to sense. Claims Agarwal: “If she doesn’t listen to us, we hit her. We get her beaten up. We misbehave (Poori badtameeze karte hain).” Such a girl is treated with a wooden board.

With a compliant police and judiciary, help is always at hand when it comes to legal wrangling.

Here is how all these actors play their part: “We don’t let the girl appear in court for days. We say that the girl is not listening. They [police] say it’s alright, we will see her tomorrow. If she isn’t listening even tomorrow, they say it’s alright. They help us a lot. They send her mother to her to talk. We are not allowed to do that. They help us a lot. Judges help us, so does the SSP (senior superintendent of police).” And judges help the cause by decreeing to handover the girl to her parents: “The judge gives the girl to us in his judgment. He hands her over to her parents. Once she is under her parents’ control, we can get her married in three days.”

Then there are always Swayam Sevaks (RSS members) among this legal fraternity who would keep an eye on an impending marriage at the registrar’s and will tip the Hindutva Brigade who would immediately launch a calibrated rescue operation. He claims: “A lot of advocates are swayam sevaks. They keep an eye to see if a Hindu girl registers at the city magistrate or the SDM’s office for marriage and the date given. They find out who her lawyer is and if she is in the lawyer’s chamber. Then they call us. We go there with our whole team... 50, 60, 70 people.”

Our correspondent meets Krishna Sena founder Shiv Kumar Sharma in his office in Muzaffarnagar. He is bang on target when he says how communal polarization after the riots would help Modi come to power: “Usmein ye hain Hindu usmein na dangon ki wajah se saara united hai Modi ke naam pe aur wo jo hai tyohaaar ki tarah le rahe hain vote pratishat badhega Hinduon ka iss baar (Because of riots all Hindus are united right now. They are celebrating in the name of [now Prime Minister Narendra] Modi. The percentage of Hindu votes [in favour of the BJP] would sure increase this time around).”

When our correspondent asks if the ‘Beti bachaao, bahu banao’ has anything to do with “love jihad,” Shiv Kumar Sharma instead focuses on “love jihad” only: “Nahi, yahan par Muzaffarnagar mein 10–15 saal se to kaafi chal raha hai Muslim ladke jo hain na Hindu ladkiyon ko pyaar ke naam pe bahkawein fuslaavein unse unse shaadi karte hain jo maan liya unke is prastaav ko thukraavein unke saath zabardasti karte hain badtamizi karte hain issi tarah se Kawal mein tha Kawal kaand jo hua tha na ye bhi issi wajah se hua tha (No, this has been going on here in Muzaffarnagar for around 10–15 years where these Muslim boys trap our Hindu girls in the name of love and if they accept their proposal they marry them and if they don’t, they harass them, misbehave with them. This is what had happened at Kawal. The Kawal incident took palce due this reason only).” He reveals his darker side: of a cold-blooded murderer. Claiming himself to be a Hindu terrorist, he goes on to tell how he would go about killing Muslims: “Asliyat mein hum pahle Hindu Dharm Rakshak Sena chaalate the, Hindu aatankwaadi sangthan. Musalmanon ki hatya karte the, masjidon pe bomb fenkte the matlab jo ye karte the Hinduon ke saath wo ye karte the toh waha per hum log ek parcha bhi daltae the uski zimmedaari lete the baqayda aur hamari paanch maang thi: Bharat ko Hindu raashtra banao, Ayodhya mein Ram mandir banao, Kashmir se dhaara 370 khatam karo (Actually we used to run a Hindu Dharm Sena, a Hindu terrorist group. We used to kill Muslims, throw bombs at mosques and basically did everything they do against the Hindus. We also used to place a pamphlet taking full responsibility of such acts and put forth our five demands: make India a Hindu Rashtra, build a Ram temple at Ayodhya, revoke Section 370 from Kashmir …).”

Among these five demands, one was the release of his Guru Dara Singh, who is serving sentence for burning alive Australian Christian missionary Graham Staines and his two minor sons on January 22, 1999, at Manoharpur village in Kendujhar district in Odisha. Shiv Kumar explains the modus operandi of how they tame the police by creating a riot situation and how they rescue a girl from her Muslim lover: “Hum log hungama karte hain na tod-fod karein duniya bhar ke saamdaam dand bhed jo bhi hain vakeelon ki sahayata koshish yehi rehti hai jaise kai baar ladki baalig bhi nikli zyadatar ladki balig nikalti hai wo kehti hai main issi ke saath jaoongi ladke ke main toh isse pyaar karti hun maine toh isase shaadi kar li ye kar li to usko nabalig ghoshit karne ke liye kuch na kuch point jo hai hum log nikaalte hain kuch na kuch uske kaagaz banwaawein ya ye ki bhai iska iss samay dimaag sahi nahin hai kuch na kuch karke koshish yehi karte hain ki ladki ko jo hao uske gharwaalon ko supurd kar diya jae (We create a lot of chaos and rioting, and employ every trick.... We take help from lawyers and sometimes the girl turns out to be a major … it often happens … and she says she loves the boy and has married him and would go with him. In that case, we try our best to find out some way to separate them. We use false documents to declare her a minor or not in right frame of mind so that the girl is handed over to her family).”

Claiming how he enjoyed killing Muslims, Shiv Kumar Sharma says: “Yeh bachpan se hi hai main aapko bataoon... mere upar case chal rahe hain... san 1996–97 mein jab Musalmano ko maarne ke liye nikalte the to poori raat ghoomte the agar koi na maara aur wapas aa gaye khaali haath toh badha ajeeb sa mahsoos hota tha jaise kuch hua hi na ho aur agar kisi Musalman ko maar diya uss din jashn manta tha bas jaise bahut khushi jaise andar hi andar aur jis din kisi Maulvi ko maar diya us din to jaise zameen par pair nahin lag rahe to maine mahsoos kiya tha ki mere pair zameen se 6 foot upar chal rahe the jaise main ud raha hun mera toh sapna tha main police pakde jail jaaoon (I’m like that since my child hood. I have cases pending against me since long... in 1996–97 when we used to kill Muslims, we used to roam around at nights, hunting them down. At times when we could not kill one, we used to feel life worthless, as if nothing had happened... if we killed a Muslim, we used to celebrate the occasion, and if we managed to kill a Maulvi, then our happiness would know no bounds. I would feel like walking on clouds. I always had this dream that police would arrest me and through me in the jail).”

However, Sharma is unhappy with the BJP as he did not get the kind of support when he needed it most.

Shazia’s conversation with BJP MLA from Thana Bhawan, Suresh Rana, gives a peek at a “rescue operation” in Shamli he was a part of. A Hindu girl had gone out with three Muslim boys one evening. Rana alleged that this was a case of “love jihad” and got the boys charged with rape. Rana reveals how they got the girl around to give a false statement against the boys: “Now I will tell you the truth. We charged them with rape, but it wasn’t rape, it was consensual. We slapped a rape case against them to teach them a lesson (Woh toh humne unka ilaaj karne ke liye rape case unke khilaf kara diya). The girl wasn’t ready to give a statement against them. If you look at the case in depth, the girl was willing. Three people didn’t take her away by force.” They used both cajoling and beating to force the girl to retract her earlier statement of absolving the boys of such charge as rape:“Ladki toh ladki hai. Pehle se inke baare main kaha gaya ki paristhithi ke anusaar paanch minute main badal jayein. Jab unke saath thi woh unki thi, jab ghar aur parivaar ko pata lag gaya, gaon ko pata lag giya toh jaisa gaon ne kaha waisa kar diya. Yahan kai ladkiyan aise hain... ki jab shuru main unka pata laga toh woh thane main hi zidd pakad legi ki joh bhi ho main iske saath hi jaungi. Iske bina nahin jaungi, iske saath jaungi, iske saath. Agar do chate lage alag se le jake aur tight kari aur do padi toh woh phir toh FIR likhati bhai. Aji unhone mere saath badmashi ki thi, ek mahine se kar raha tha ji. Phir woh saari story batake turant mukadma likhwaya. Ladki ka kya hai, ladki ko toh jaise bhi mould karoge ho jayegi (A girl is a girl after all. It has always been said about them that they change in five minutes according to the circumstances. When she was with them she was theirs, when the family and villagers found out, she did what the villagers asked her to do. There are several such girls here … when they are found out, they insist ‘No matter what, I will stay with him. I won’t go without him’. If she is taken aside and given two slaps, then she herself goes and gets the FIR registered claiming, ‘They sexually assaulted me … he has been doing it for a month.’ Then she will tell the whole story and slap a case on him. You can mould a girl the way you want).”

Rana throws light on Bajrang Dal’s campaign ‘Beti bachao, bahu lao’. He says, “Yeh loving jihad ka dabav tha. Lagatar humpe aakraman ho rahe hain. aur lagataar betiyon ke saath ye vyavhaar ho raha hai, toh its my challenge, it’s my, uh, ek tarah nyota tha khula nau jawanon ke liye ki aao, ladki bachao, bahu lao (This was because of the pressure of love jihad. There were constant attacks on us. Our daughters were being constantly treated this way. It is my challenge, in a way it was an open invitation to the youth, to join in hands and save our girls [Muslims] and instead get [Muslim] wives).”

The same thread runs with other Hindu outfits down south as our investigation found. Jagdish Shenava, a lawyer by profession and VHP’s Mangalore district working president, also recounts his experience of one such rescue operation on February 29, 2014. He confesses to slapping false cases on Muslim men and admits using mobs to build pressure on the local police. He says, “Legally it is right but in that there is no legality for us. We won’t allow. Ye bahut saara hotels main, yeh disco wisco main Muslim ladka Hindu ladki ko leke jaata hai (Muslim men take Hindu girls to many hotels, discos). We won’t allow.” Recounting one particular case, he confesses that he got a Muslim man arrested on charges of kidnapping and talked the woman out of her decision to be with a Muslim man after “counselling” her.

He also explains how organisations such as his are able to build pressure on the police machinery to take the law of the land into their own hands. He says, “Idhar apna organisation hai na, itna powerful hai ki inspite of being the Congress government they are scared of us because we are so powerful here. Aisa apna organisation bahut powerful hai (Here we have our organisation, it’s so powerful that in spite of being the Congress government they are scared of us because we are so powerful here).” He recounts the incident: “There is a girl called Swati (name changed) from the working class, poor people. She ran away with a Muslim who was already married with three children. She was 21 years old. We protested a lot and we found her after a month. We brought her back and got the man arrested. I kept her in my house for four days. We changed her mind set and got her married again.” The girl was persuaded to leave her lover using both force and counselling, and members of Durga Vahini also help. Says Jagdish Shenava: “Yes, Durga Vahini and monks talk to them. We take them there. If they don’t understand, we use force.” They run counseling sessions to change the mind of such victims of “love jihad” and bring them back to Hindufold.

The Muslim boy had to spend three months in jail as he was charged with kidnapping. But Shinava knows the case won’t stand scrutiny during trial as he says: “We charged him with kidnapping. But it won’t stand in court because the girl is also a major.”

The same day our correspondent met BJP MLC Captain Ganesh Karnik in the party’s headquarters in Mangalore, who claims to have infiltrated the police force with RSS workers: “We have tried to send some of our boys into police. When I talk to students I tell them to join the police. So when we need help there are a lot of karyakartas, RSS. Sixty percent of the young constables are our students.” This infiltration into the police force comes in handy when they need to take the law into their hands.

Captain Ganesh also propagates the myth of “love jihad” and of a Muslim conspiracy to increase their population to convert India into an Islamic state.

A member of the Hindu organisation, Durga Vahini, present there says, “Woh Bajrang Dal kakaam hai. Jo bhi hai police case hai report hai pitai hai jo bhi kuch hai waise zyadatar wohi hota hai ki pitai wagera ka hi reheta hai aur police case hota hai (That’s the job of the Bajrang Dal, whatever it is. Be it the police case or beating up someone, that’s their job).” Such operations are conducted with full preparation in advance and the raiders are accompanied by the men in khaki: “Taiyaari ke saath hi jaate hain police bhi jaati hai (Yes they go prepared, also accompanied by police).”

In case, the girl does not cooperate and insist on her decision, they simply use force and do the counselling later, as the member says: “Nahi, usko pehle toh zabardasti leke ana padta hai (No, we need to bring her here forcefully).”

This a tough job indeed which requires a lot of persuasion apart from physical force and they have a team of over a dozen members which consists of young, elderly and women. After the girls are rescued, they are counselled by women by telling them shabbily the women are treated in Islam and how women are treated as goddesses in Hindu religion. After they have been brainwashed, the Hindu Brigade get them remarried.

When Shazia sought his reaction over phone on what he had claimed during the course of his interview with her, Karnik is diplomatic and reserved in his answer when he says: “I don’t think you are quoting me correctly.” Then he gives a twist to the tale by saying that he respects love between two individuals while in the same breath launches a tirade against Muslim fundamentalism and terrorism, saying: “ … blatantly trying to hurt the emotions and feelings of the majority of the community.” While averring “love jihad is a conspiracy by Muslims to increase their numbers,” Karnik denied having said that Muslims would one day make India an Islamic state.

We found an eerily similar effort by the BJP, the RSS and the VHP to use the myth of “love jihad” and love gospel to polarise communities along religious lines. While in Kerala there is talk of love gospel, in Karnataka and Uttar Pradesh the focus remains on the Muslim community and its alleged mission of “love jihad.”

When our correspondent asks VHP worker Hari Shiv Prasad how he gets a girl to the counselling centre, he says, “Hum log raat ko gaye wahan se police ko sab le kar gaye... aur hum log wahan chhaapa maar kar wahan se laye (We went there at night with the police... We raided the place and got her here).” The girl had eloped with a Muslim man and was apparently under the influence of Islam. Then, Hari Shiv Kumar says, “Usko hum counselling ki toh hum logon nay bataya ki aisa shadyantra hai ye sab tab woh jakar man gai (We counselled her and told her that all this is a conspiracy. Then she finally agreed with us).”

If counselling and other such efforts fail to convince such girl back to her family, force become inevitable. Says Shrikar Prabhu, Karnataka’s former BJP’s executive member, “Thik hai aur usse kuch samasya hai usko thik karne ke liye prayatna karenge, counselling karenge... thik hai maa baap se baat karenge... woh sab kay upar woh sab ke hone kay baad bhi woh jaana chahti hai to ham zabardasti se usko lane ka prayatna karenge (We conduct counselling sessions for the girl and talk to her parents, and even then if she does not agree to come with us, we try to forcibly get her down here).”

But when the reporter confronted Shrikar Prabhu again before the release of the story, he straight away denied whatever he had said and claimed to be doing: “Humne wo bataya tha wo jo paper mein ata tha na uske baare mein aapne poochha tha kya hota hai aisa kyon ho raha hai aisa aapne poocha tha (I told you only what is published in papers as you had asked why it is all happening).”

A young Hindu girl in Meerut claimed that she had been raped and forcibly converted to Islam by Muslims. Even before the police investigation could be concluded, the RSS and its affiliate groups were quick to label it as a case of “love jihad.” This then became a pretext for launching campaigns that painted the entire Muslim community as complicit in “love jihad” and hence as a threat. The hate campaign had begun.

In Kerala, the Hindu Helpline has taken to administering drugs to girls who have been “rescued”. These drugs cause temporary amnesia and are used to bring the girl under control if she is “being too aggressive”, says Cijiith from the Hindu Helpline in Ernakulam, Kerala. He claims that parents bring their daughters from as far away as Uttar Pradesh and Maharashtra for treatment in Ernakulam. He elaborates, “When she is adamant on Islam, we will send her to a religious counselling centre so that she can have a debate with our experts on the Quran. Even with that if she is not convinced, we send her to a medical hospital where she will be kept in a cell, she will be under some medication if she is aggressive... (If she doesn’t relent even then), we will send her somewhere [else] where she can be kept for some days.”

About the impact of such exercises, Cijith says, “There are a lot of classes, a lot of Hindu organisations are working on that. I don’t know how to say it, we are successful in creating fear. ‘Why should I bother?’ That was the question earlier. ‘Because jihad will come to your doorstep today or tomorrow. It may be as your sister, wife or mother. So be careful yourself.’ We have to create a true fear in the society, about Muslims.”

However, Cijith was not as forthcoming when our correspondent told him who she was and what was the purpose of the interview with him and asked him he would like to comment on what he had claimed. He did not like the idea of the story going public.

Lalit Maheshwari, district president of VHP in Muzaffarnagar, admits that the organisation has been mobilising people on “love jihad” for over two years and confesses using pressure on the CJM to influence cases involving Muslim boys. Maheswari confesses to the existence of a lawyers association of the VHP that provides legal aid to “victims” of “love jihad.” He admits that girls are forced to give statements against their Muslim lovers/friends and his team slaps false cases on the boys to build pressure. Teams are formed that engage in door-to-door campaign propagating the myth that Muslims are engaging in “love jihad” and are a threat to Hindu women and to Hinduism in India.

He says, “We have been going to villages for two years now through VHP. I can show you photos. We take our literature and go to villages like Gatyala. We went to the school there and formed a team of four to five karyakartas (workers). We travelled around with them and they started door-to-door campaigns. Everyone was troubled by “love jihad.” What we did in the last two years came of use now. VHP, we started going towards villages. It is difficult to mobilise people in cities, they can’t give time. But villages get together. We kept meeting there, 1,000–1,200 people got together. Old and young.”

Ravish Tantri, chief of Hindu Unity Forum in Kerala, adds fuel to the fire. He says, “When the girl goes from the conversion centre to the court, we warn her that if she does not give a statement on her parents side and does not marry the guy prescribed by us, then the moment she and her husband step out of the court, they will be killed by our people.” He adds that the Congress and the Marxists also support them at times.

Manju, a member of Durga Vahini in Muzaffarnagar, says, “Vishwa Hindu Parishad ye Durga Vahini toh in logon ka bhi sahara kyuki ye sab ek hi hain ek tarike se to un logo ka bhi sahara lete hain ki wo ladki waha pe hai yaha pe bhej do suppose abortion bhi karwane ki nubat aati hai to doctor bhi hamare is type ke hain ki unlogo ko ye sab karwa ke samajha bujha ke (Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Durga Vahini are nearly the same and support those girls who are brought here and suppose a girl needs to get an abortion, we also have doctors who are of the type that they would also make them understand).”

Lalit Maheshwari pitches in. “Do saal pehle yaha karwana bhi pada tha Uttarakhand ki ladki aai thi toh usse bachaya … abortion bhi karwaya uska (Two years ago a girl was brought here from Uttarakhand, whose abortion was done here).” The girl was married off to a Hindu boy by them.
How do they manipulate the girl into going back to her parents? Maheshwari says, “We talk about her future. We tell her the importance of women in our Hindu society. We tell her how we see a woman and how those Muslims look like. How we respect our women and how they only use women as a form of enjoyment and treat her nothing more than a baby-making machine and also generally have a target of keeping three-four wives.”

Cijith of the Hindu Helpline spells out a sinister strategy of causing a riot erupt. He says, “We cannot initiate a riot. That never happens. If I want a riot I can’t just say Hindus and Muslims. They won’t do it. No community will do that. What I can do is I can make all the circumstances ready. I can just initiate the people, I can just irritate the people. And the incident has to happen itself.” He goes on to elaborate how they do it: “We created awareness in society. Don’t think of it as a single incident. It is part of an international conspiracy to create trouble. It is not because of love it is as a part of international agenda. Till that time only the Muslim boy was a culprit there,” says Cijith. “When we create a consciousness amongst the community about this, the whole Muslim people came into an accused state. All the Hindu people are saying that Muslims are doing it. The element of hatred comes there. Then society is ready for a riot. Because of the attitude of Kerala’s people, no riot has happened because law and order situation is more under the control of the government. But then the same incident is happening in UP, there people are armed. They are not controlled by the government. So there when the same incident happened, people took arms and the riots happened. That’s the mindset. That’s how we can make the society ready for riots.”

At a so-called counselling centre in Ernakulam in Kerala, Hindu women who have married Muslim or Christian men are brainwashed into going back to their parents on the grounds that marrying outside their religion is sacrilege. The hapless women are also told that their husbands married them to convert them from Hinduism to their religion.

Our team encounters a counselling session at the centre where a counsellor is explaining to a girl who has married a Christian.

The counsellor tells the girl in Kannada, “When we tried to convince you to come the first time you didn’t agree to come. We have an ideal for how females should be. I have also faced such problems in my family but we are doing this because we want to do something for the betterment of society and specifically for you. Not everyone listens. If we had tried to tell your parents and brought you here, you wouldn't have come here, if we hadn’t put in so much effort.”

He says, “If we hadn’t brought you somehow or the other at night with your brother... you might see it as cruel but to me it isn’t cruel… there is no violence towards you. When we put you in an ambulance… We feel sad but we have to do this right now. If we have to fight a war, soldiers will get killed. If we don’t fight our nation will lose the war. If I was to just come there and talk to you, you wouldn’t have listened. But now that you have surrendered in front of me, you are listening. If you have strength in you then you won’t talk to us. Similarly, he is not asking you to convert at the moment.”

Then come the veiled threats. “We know who the notary was, everyone involved. We haven’t threatened them at all yet. We know the exact moments. When he got off the bus in Bangalore we knew it, he got off the bus at Madikeri, we knew it. Do you know he threatened your father?”

Now the emotional blackmail by dragging her family into it. “People who have given birth to you, what all should they go through? You loving someone is not a crime but the man you have selected is not a good person. You don’t know his family background, all you know is from meeting his mother and father, you have no idea about their history. You are in a trap.”

The counsellor continues. “If something happens to you, don’t you have to face all these problems? You need your family for this. If he says you have to become a Christian, what will you do? You will have to submit and say okay. And once you have converted you can’t do anything.”

The woman replies, “I don’t want to convert to Christianity.”

Counsellor: “You don’t want to convert, then why did you get converted?”

Woman: “I did not convert.”

Then the counsellor asks her, “Why did you register your marriage under Special Marriage Act? You could have gotten married under Hindu Marriage Act.”

She replies, “I asked the lawyer.”

“Which lawyer?”

Woman: “N. C. Pais.”

The counsellor retorts. “N. C. Pais? Do you know who he is? He is one big conversion leader. His job is to convert females to Christianity. You are in one big trap. You don’t understand... If he [her husband] agrees to convert to Hinduism, if he says let’s get married according to Hindu customs...”

He continues his tirade against her Christian husband. “He will ask you to come discuss after the wedding, saying our children, even if you have children or don’t have children... will ask you to convert. You will have to go for Sunday school in church, then you won’t be able to come back. He will not live by Hindu culture after the wedding, you should understand that. Do you know what Special Marriage Act is? You have got married under Special Marriage Act.”

“Everyone who convinced you are all people with the same intention. It is not your fault, if it was your fault can’t we just take you and finish you? But we have given you food, the others have taken care of you like a younger sister. You still don’t understand. You must win our confidence, just that you can convince him.”

“You said you wouldn’t marry him for three years and then you say you married him one year back. When this report came to us, it was one year into marriage. But we get all information, we have all information through RTI, these days you get everything through RTI. Who was a witness etc.”

“What you have done in the past is not wrong, because you were not aware of the facts. But what you are doing now after we have told you all the details is wrong. You think we couldn’t harm him? But we haven’t done any of that.”

The hapless woman doesn’t get much chance to speak in her defence.

Following the trail of “love jihad” in Uttar Pradesh, Cobrapost correspondent went to Meerut and Muzaffarnagar. During the Assembly by-elections of 2014, two cases related to “love jihad” were filed in these districts. One was in Kharkhoda police station of Meerut and the other from Meerapur police station of Muzaffarnagar district. On meeting the investigation officers of the cases, the victims and locals, these were the key issues that came to the forefront.
• Female victims of the two “love jihad” cases changed their earlier statements.
• While giving statements in the FIRs, the women had stated that after marrying Muslims, they were forced to change their religion and were raped.
• In their changed statements, they stated that none of the above was forced on them and it was consensual.
• Names of hardline Hindu groups such as the RSS and the Shiv Sena came to the forefront during the Cobrapost investigation in the Meerapur case.
• In the Kharkhoda case, Cobrapost found the involvement of the Hindu Jagaran Manch, Shiv Sena and Bajrang Dal.
• Money and property issues were the main reasons behind these two cases.
• A local journalist named Balbir Goswami is directly linked to the Meerapur case.
• There is a lot of difference in the FIR filed at the Kharkhoda police station and the statement given by the female victim.
• Women in both cases confirmed being in a relationship with the accused before the cases were filed.
• Even locals rubbished the cases as being those of “love jihad.”

Case 1: Muzaffarnagar

It was during the time of Hindu–Muslim riots in Muzaffarnagar in Uttar Pradesh in 2103 when the term “love jihad” first started floating around, adding fuel to the communal fire. In the run-up to the 2014 Assembly by-elections, the Opposition BJP in the state hyped the issue. It was then that a “love jihad” incident came to light in September 2014. A girl called Kajal (name changed) approached Meerut’s Inspector General of Police with the complaint that she was raped by Dr. Abdul Kalam, the owner of a private hospital where she worked. She accused the doctor of threatening to change her religion after marrying her. Eleven people were accused in the case under Sections 498, 376, 323, 295 (A) and 506 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC). The FIR was lodged at Meerapur police station. Abdul Kalam was arrested and jailed.

Our correspondent began investigating the case, starting from Meerapur police station. He met Constable Deepa Sirohi, who revealed some surprising facts. She said that the victim had changed her earlier statement and had given it in favour of the accused. To confirm this, our correspondent spoke to Inspector Kamal Singh Yadav at Meerapur police station, who said that neither was the girl raped nor was her religion changed. He said that a local reporter, Balbir Goswami, had spread these “rumours”. Inspector Yadav said that the woman had said, “Koi matter nahi hai aur maine apni marzi sey kari thi ye logon ne behka diya, patrakaro ne… main fir se apne aap aa gai hu pati ke paas, Dr. Abdul Kalam ke paas aur inko zamanat de do (There is no matter as such and I had married him according to my wish. I was instigated by some people and a reporter. Now that I’m back with my husband Dr. Abdul Kalam, I request you to grant him bail).”

Inspector Yadav added that in order to settle matters, some BJP workers came to the police station. He said that that they had targeted all Hindu–Muslim married couples of the area and had tried to persuade the Hindu wives to return to their parents. “Bhajpa ke tamaam karyakarta yahan aye the…inhone kya kia ki jo jo Muslim ladkia jo jo Hinduo ke saath bhagi ya Musalmano ke saath gai thi Hindu ladkian, unko inhone develop kia (BJP workers visited our police station. All Muslim girls who ran away with Hindu boys and vice versa were developed by them into these cases).”

Our correspondent also met Sub-Inspector Khan, who was in-charge of this case. He revealed another astonishing aspect and said that it was about a plot of land which Abdul Kalam had bought in the name of his first wife. This was bothering Kajal. She had later said that Balbir Goswami, the reporter, was from her caste. Sub-Inspector Khan added that while Kajal was giving her statement, many BJP workers were present. After recording her statement, Kajal went to the RSS office.

(Wo kyat ha na ki wo ye tha ki inka usne koi plot liya hoga wo apni bibi ke naam kar raha hoga, choti moti dispute ho gai ab wo… ab uske sath bhi aise uthna baithna tha ye patrkar bhi woha pahuch gaye to wo jo hai wo iski biradri ka tha… uske bad wo bayan den ke bad me wo RSS ke office bhi gai)

Cobrapost then met Mukesh Mishra, the circle officer of Jansath near Muzaffarnagar, who also investigated the case. He echoed what Inspector Yadav and Sub-Inspector Khan had told us: the case had nothing to do with “love jihad.”

Next, we met Kajal’s uncle and aunt, who also refuted claims of “love jihad” and said that it was only a matter of money. They said that the Shiv Sena was involved in hyping the issue. (lakh do lakh tum le liyo lakh do lakh mai le luga.. “love jihad” to bana diya jo unke sangthan ke aadmi the, Shiv Sena ke aadmi the).”

Finally, the Cobrapost correspondent spoke to Kajal over the phone. She said, “Maine shaadi doctor sahib se apni marzi se ki thi (I married doctor saheb because I wanted to).” She added that the issue had been resolved amicably and it was not a case of “love jihad.” She said that she lodged the complaint at the behest of some people and that she is living with her husband and has withdrawn her complaint. She blamed some organisations and media persons for hyping the case (maine apna ye case wapas le liya hai…ye kuch sangthan wale hai aur kuch media wale hai).

Case 2: Kharkhoda

This also occurred during the Assembly by-elections in 2014. The father of a girl called Neha (name changed) from village Sarawa in Meerut district filed a case in Kharkhoda police station on August 3, 2014. In the FIR, the father claimed that Neha had been gang-raped by Kalim of the village’s school and by the village pradhan and that she was forcibly converted to Islam. Her father also demanded an investigation into a mark on Neha’s stomach. The issue was hyped by the local BJP and RSS and made newspaper and TV headlines across the nation.

To investigate the case, our correspondent met Station Officer (SO) Alka Singh of the ladies police station in Meerut, who was the investigating officer. We came to know from her that the victim had changed her statement. Earlier, Neha had complained that she was raped and converted to Islam and had accused nine men. Later, she backtracked and denied the incidents and said that her family was paid money by some groups and politicians. “Mere papa mujhe marna chahte hain. Unko paise ki chaahat thi. Ki matlab paisa nahi aa raha hai ghar per…Kalim se sambandh tha…Kalim se relation tha ek as a friend. Matlab friend kya bolna chahiye love se tha (My father wants to kill me. He wants money as there was no money coming into the family. I had relations with Kalim, as a friend, I mean as a lover),” she said.

SO Alka Singh told us that Neha denied forced conversion and “love jihad.” At the time of our investigation, Neha was living at the ladies foster home in Meerut. The Cobrapost correspondent went to Sarawa to meet Neha’s parents posing as a member of an organisation. Her father denied that he wanted to kill Neha. When we asked her mother about money being paid to them, she said that initially many people came forward to help but ultimately no one did. She added that a politician had handed them down Rs. 25,000, which they never got. “Kaun se neta ne humein paise diye? Ek ne abhi 25,000 diya sabko pata ye…kaun hai woh ye bhi... humein na mile (Which politician gave us money? One has now given 25,000 everyone knows who gave that. But we have not received it),” the mother told Cobrapost.

We tried to track down Hindu organisations that may have been involved in this case, but had no luck, till Neha’s father introduced us to Ashu Tyagi of the Hindu Jagran Manch.

Neha’s father told us that Ashu Tyagi had spearheaded the whole issue and had torn the circle officer’s uniform to create pressure on the administration. He claimed that the Shiv Sena, Bajrang Dal and other organisations had helped him. (Inhone pura kam kara jab ladki aai na inhone CO ke kapde phad diye… yahi hai kai hai Shiv Sena wale bhi hai Bajrang Dal bhi sare hai lag rhe hai apne apne hisab se).

When our correspondent visited Kharkhoda police station and spoke to its SO Manoj, he told us some interesting facts. He said that Neha changing her statements had confused the police and that there was the issue of money between her father and her uncle regarding the Rs. 25,000 given by the politician (Yahi isliye to mai confuse ho raha hu na kya batau aapko main … victim hai uske baap mein aur uske tau ke bich jhagda ho raha hai thik hai kuch sangthan kuch paisa de gaye honge paise ke bantware se sambandhit).

On the trail of the Kharkhoda case, the Cobrapost correspondent Shishupal Kumar reached Sarawa. Here he met Sanaullah, an accused in the cases of rape, kidnapping and fraud. The same cases were lodged against his wife. Sanaullah had got bail after eight months in prison but his wife was still in jail. Sanaullah raises the question that since the girl who had accused him has changed her statement in his favour why has the case not been dismissed?

Sanaullah and his son Irfan say that they are victims of village politics and that they don’t know the prime accused Kalim. He adds that along with the villagers, BJP’s UP state president Laxmikant Vajpayee, BJP’s Vyapar Prakosth’s Vineet Agarwal and BJP MP Rajendra Agarwal, hatched the conspiracy.

When Cobrapost looked at official documents that were filed in the court, we discovered the following facts of the case:

• In the FIR, Neha’s father had complained of a gang rape, whereas the girl has not even mentioned it in her statement

• Six people were accused of gang rape whereas the victim stated it was by just one man

• When Neha was asked again if she was raped, she denied it and gave a scripted answer that she has already spoken enough and shall not speak further

• Though Kalim was the main accused in the FIR, Neha had not mentioned his name anywhere in her statement to police

• In her statement, she said that while she was being raped, she felt as if she was drugged but did not mention how she was given drugs

• The mark on her stomach that her father wanted to be investigated was from the abortion she had in a clinic in Meerut, in which her fallopian tube had to be removed due to blockage of the foetus

• In her statement, Neha said that the abortion was done in Muzaffarnagar whereas the documents submitted in court show that it was done in Meerut under the supervision of Dr. Sabita Jairath

• Neha said in the statement that she was raped in a car on June 29 whereas the investigation report states that she stayed overnight with the accused in a hotel.

Shazia Nigar is a reporter with Gulail.com, and Shishupal Kumar is with Cobrapost.com

Source: cobrapost

Sunday, October 04, 2015

శ్రీ కౌముది అక్టోబర్ 2015

శ్రీ కౌముది అక్టోబర్ 2015

Dadri’s dire warning: If Modi fails to give India change, it’s because of enemies within his house

Akhlaq’s death was foretold from the moment Bharatiya Janata Party chief ministers started banning meat on the excuse of festivals during which it has never been banned before.

Written by Tavleen Singh | Updated: October 4, 2015 7:41 am

The Indian Express
Akhlaq’s daughter and her cousin, in Bisara village Wednesday. Akhlaq was killed when a mob attacked his house following rumours that he and his family stored and ate beef. His son, severely injured in the attack, is in hospital. (Express Photo by: Prem Nath Pandey)

This week I would have written about the Foreign Minister’s excellent speech at the United Nations, but images from Dadri got in the way. Ever since the barbaric, senseless murder of Mohammed Akhlaq, I have been haunted by those images of a family with modern, middle-class aspirations destroyed by the savagery that lies so close to the surface of Indian modernity. Mohammed Akhlaq’s brutal murder gives the Prime Minister a chance to confront the reality that, if he fails to give India change, development and prosperity, it will be because of enemies inside his own house.

Akhlaq’s death was foretold from the moment Bharatiya Janata Party chief ministers started banning meat on the excuse of festivals during which it has never been banned before. They did this without concern for the jobs that would be lost and without noticing that Muslims would become an automatic target. Where better for this to be demonstrated than in a Hindu village with less Muslim families than you can count on the fingers of one hand? But Akhlaq’s cowardly murder raises other more serious questions.

When he was in Silicon Valley, the Prime Minister talked proudly about his plans to use digital technology to transform rural India. What use is this kind of talk when a murderous mob can gather in a village on the edge of Delhi without the police being able to do anything? The men who planned the murder of Akhlaq, and the attempted murder of his son Danish, used WhatsApp to spread lies about cow slaughter days in advance, but the police did not notice. What use is digital technology if it cannot improve basic policing? What use are cellphones in villages if the temple priest who made the announcement that caused Akhlaq’s death could not use it to alert the nearest police station? Even if the Prime Minister succeeds in spreading the use of digital technology to improve policing and governance, what is he going to do about the primitive mindset of members of his own party?

What will he do with the ex-MLA who said that if the meat found in Akhlaq’s fridge was beef, then the violence was justified? What will he do with BJP spokesmen who justified the murder in other ways? Some said that farmers in the area were relying on their cattle to survive because of the drought and in the village of Bisara a calf had disappeared. Others, including the local MP, dismissed the murder as an ‘accident’ and the result of a ‘misunderstanding’.

It was a shameful display of primitive, provincial thinking, and Mr Modi would do well to notice that, along with the ‘ghar wapasi’ nonsense that went on through his entire first year in office, it serves to distract from the reasons why he became prime minister. The vote was for change and development and not Hindutva. Anyone who tells him otherwise is lying. And yet he has done nothing to stop the theft of his mandate by people who would not have been ministers or members of Parliament if his slogan of ‘parivartan’ and ‘vikas’ had not found such resonance.

Akhlaq’s murder reminds us of how superficial India’s modernity is. The men who killed him and tried to kill his son would have all had cellphones in their pockets and colour television sets in their homes. Some may even have had access to computers and the Internet, and still all it took was a rumour for them to turn into savages. It is only savages who can turn so quickly into a killer mob. And in recent months a very ugly atmosphere has been created across the country by BJP chief ministers and Modi’s own ministers, and he has done nothing to stop them. Nor has he made the smallest effort to call a halt to the misguided ‘ghar wapasi’ (homecoming) campaign launched by his former comrades in the RSS. If the RSS is truly interested in serving India, and if they are true believers in the Sanatan Dharma, then they must concentrate their activities on more useful things like cleaning the Ganga and helping the Swachh Bharat campaign. Ghar wapasi is the antithesis of the idea of the Sanatan Dharma.

Meanwhile the Prime Minister must realise that the investors he woos on his travels in foreign lands halt in their tracks every time they see signs that beneath its new highways and shining malls, India remains a primitive country. Akhlaq was stoned to death in a village less than 50 kilometres away from Delhi and his young son, if he lives, could live with serious head injuries. Do we require more proof that we are going to need more than digital technology to make India into a country that truly belongs in the 21st century, instead of in some hideous, primordial time warp?

Follow Tavleen Singh on Twitter: @ tavleen_singh

Source: indianexpress

Tuesday, September 29, 2015

Panchayat undemocracy

In an unequal society, exclusions from the democratic process based on social indicators reflect elitist bias.

Written by Brinda Karat | Published:September 30, 2015 12:15 am

According to the perverted logic of these governments, it is perfectly acceptable to get elected by taking the votes of those who are educationally deprived, but when it is their right to contest elections in their own villages and blocks, they are deemed too ignorant.

Rules to sanction official snooping on WhatsApp, a state government circular that redefines sedition to prevent criticism of the administration, another state government’s defence of an extremist Hindutva organisation implicated in the murder of communist leader Govind Pansare and other progressive rationalists, meat bans in three states, a call to reconsider the issue of reservations — it would appear that a competition is on within the Sangh Parivar in achhe-din India on how best to reshape democracy, as ordained by the wise men in Nagpur.

Authoritarian moves by the right also have a clear elitist bias. It includes diluting the rights of the poor, minorities, oppressed castes and women. Recently, the BJP-led governments in Rajasthan and Haryana have made precisely such moves. The two governments have adopted the most outrageous amendments to their respective state panchayat acts in spite of the judgment of the Punjab and Haryana High Court that stayed the Haryana proposal.

According to these amendments, no one can contest elections for the post of sarpanch or member of the panchayat samiti or zilla parishad if they have not passed Class X. For women and Scheduled Castes, the literacy requirement is middle school. Going by Census 2011, if this is implemented in Haryana, it will mean more than half the population, 56.8 per cent, will be disqualified on the first count, and a shocking 79.76 per cent made ineligible because of the second condition. In Rajasthan, the exclusions are more extensive. Minimum literacy qualifications will disproportionately hit poorer sections.

An argument is advanced that such conditions will encourage people to go to school. This is rubbing salt in deep wounds. Was it Dalits who did not want knowledge when molten lead was poured in their ears? Was it women who chose to be enslaved in their homes by upper-caste patriarchal norms? The burden of historical injustice lies heavy in today’s India precisely because we have not only failed to eliminate injustices but have continued discriminatory practices, reflected in the statistics above. Without free education and the full implementation of the Right to Education Act, amendments such as these are nothing but punishing the poor for their poverty. It also means poor women, who have been denied education, will be excluded from the 50 per cent reservations meant for all women.

According to the perverted logic of these governments, it is perfectly acceptable to get elected by taking the votes of those who are educationally deprived, but when it is their right to contest elections in their own villages and blocks, they are deemed too ignorant. Even more bizarre, these very people who are ineligible to fight panchayat elections are eligible to fight assembly and parliamentary elections. The blatant elitist arrogance, that only those with educational qualifications can serve the people and fulfil their duties as elected representatives, comes at a time when corruption scandals of the rich and famous and highly qualified, including in Rajasthan, have brought shame to India. But the assault does not stop there.

It is common knowledge that farmers, particularly farmers with land under five acres, are caught in a terrible crisis of spiralling debt, driven not least by the increasing cost of farm inputs, while price support for crops remains abysmally low. The need is for a comprehensive package and sustained government intervention, including debt relief, to contain what is clearly an increasing trend in farmer suicides. Instead, these two governments have adopted amendments that disqualify a farmer from contesting if there are pending loan arrears to any banking institution, or if electricity bills are unpaid. By this amendment, only rich farmers or landlords can contest panchayat elections. Yet another condition is the need to have a fully functional toilet, at a time when it is calculated that over one-fourth of households do not have such a facility.

It means that a fundamental democratic right is being subordinated to the implementation of government policy, such as recovery of loans or building toilets. Earlier, some governments had adopted the two-child norm as a condition for contesting elections. It was later withdrawn in some states. In an economically and socially unequal society, exclusion from the democratic process on the basis of social indicators is tampering with the basic structure of the Constitution.

In Rajasthan, the panchayat elections that disqualified as candidates more than half of the population have already been held. If the disqualification had not been in operation, the results, which favoured the ruling party, may also have been different. In Haryana, the elections have been stayed by the Supreme Court, which is at present hearing a petition moved by three women, presently elected members, who will be disqualified as candidates if the amendments are upheld.

For Indian democracy, the implications of such amendments are ominous signs of a takeover of even panchayat institutions by those who have money. Panchayats have an important role to play in critical areas like village plans for development and consent for projects requiring land acquisition. If panchayats are packed with people who are better-off, it will severely impact the decision-making process. It is worth recalling that it was the unlettered Kondh tribal communities of Odisha, and their elected panchayat representatives and gram sabhas, who refused to give consent for a project to one of the most powerful mining companies.

We have seen the way corporations and their representatives are taking over Parliament and state assemblies. The amendments to the panchayat act will facilitate such a takeover in rural areas too. It will be just a matter of time before other BJP-ruled states introduce such anti-democratic measures to subvert panchayat institutions.

A century ago, in many countries, electoral franchise was limited to an exclusive section of male property owners. Citizens’ movements forced a reversal and introduced the concept of universal suffrage, which combines the universal right to vote with the universal right to contest elections. Independent India accepted this basic democratic norm. It is sought to be reversed today.

The writer is a member of the CPM politburo.

Source: indianexpress

Saturday, September 26, 2015

Tipu Sultan: a secular internationalist, not a bigot

September 27, 2015

Muzaffar Assadi


Tipu Sultan cannot be reduced to a singular narrative or tradition of intolerance or bigotry as he represented multiple traditions. Photo: M.A. Sriram

The recent offer made by a film producer to Tamil superstar Rajinikanth to act in a movie on the ‘Tiger of Mysore’, Tipu Sultan, has yet again opened up a Pandora’s Box. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and some Hindutva groups have demanded that Rajinikanth refuse the offer. This argument is made on the grounds that Tipu, the 18th century ruler of Mysore state, was a “tyrant” who killed thousands of Hindus as they refused to convert to Islam.

This is not the first time that Tipu’s name has been dragged into a controversy. It began some years back when Sanjay Khan made a tele-serial based on Bhagwan S. Gidwani’s book, The Sword of Tipu Sultan. His name was once again dragged into a controversy when the Congress government intended to celebrate his birth anniversary in 2014. There was opposition when a proposal was made to establish a university named after him.

Tipu’s very name has become contentious for two reasons: first, his controversial steps in dealing with different communities and people who rose against him. Second, different perspectives through which history was constructed and his image built.

Colonial historians have projected Tipu as a “religious bigot”, who was instrumental in killing and converting to Islam thousands of Nayars of Kerala, Catholics of Dakshina Kannada and Coorgis of Kodagu. Even Kannada chauvinists have projected him as anti-Kannadiga as he was instrumental in changing the local names of places and introducing Persian vocabulary into administration. Marxist historians, on the other hand, have viewed him as “one of the foremost commanders of independence struggle” and a “harbinger of new productive forces”.

History is unkind to Tipu Sultan. The fact is that Tipu cannot be reduced to a singular narrative or tradition of intolerance or bigotry as he represented multiple traditions. He combined tolerant inter-religious traditions, liberal and secular traditions, anti-colonialism and internationalism. He could do this as he had strong roots in Sufism, which is not explored much by historians. He belonged to the Chisti/Bande Nawaz tradition of Sufism.

In fact, Tipu was radical in more than one sense. He was the first to ban consumption of alcohol in the entire State, not on religious grounds, but on moral and health grounds. He went to the extent of saying: “A total prohibition is very near to my heart.” He is credited with introducing missile or rocket technology in war. He was the first to introduce sericulture to the then Mysore state. He was the first to confiscate the property of upper castes, including Mutts, and distribute it among the Shudras. He is also credited with sowing the seeds of capitalist development at a time when the country was completely feudal. He thought about constructing a dam across the Cauvery in the present-day location of Krishnaraja Sagar. He completed the task of establishing a biodiversity garden named Lal Bagh.

His tolerance is reflected in his annual grants to no less than 156 temples, which included land deeds and jewellery. His army was largely composed of Shudras. When the famed Sringeri Mutt, established by Shankaracharya, was invaded by the Maratha army, he issued a firman to provide financial assistance for reinstallation of the holy idol and restoring the tradition of worship at the Mutt. His donation to the famous Srikanteshwara temple at Nanjangud; the donation of 10,000 gold coins to complete temple work at Kanchi; settling the disputes between two sects of priests at the Melkote temple; and gifts to Lakshmikanta temple at Kalale are all well-known. Interestingly, Srirangapatna, a temple town, remained his permanent capital till the end of his rule. He was also instrumental in constructing the first-ever church in Mysuru. Incidentally, well-known historian B.A. Saletore calls him “defender of Hindu Dharma”.

The allegation of forcible conversions has to be seen in the background of political exigencies — either they were with the colonialists such as in the case of Christians of Dakshina Kannada, or were waging a protracted guerrilla war as in the case of Coorg. Here, historians have distorted the facts by reducing political exigencies to the “communal ideology” of Tipu.

A ruler, who once identified himself with the American and French Revolution and Jacobinism, has remained an enigma to many. That a man who ruled for just 16 years continues to haunt Hindutva groups obviously means that Tipu continues to exist in the political discourses, political narratives as well as in the imagination of nation-building. This is where the irony of history lies — one cannot just bury Tipu in the annals of history.

(The writer is chairman, department of political science at the University of Mysore. muzaffar.assadi@gmail.com.)

Source: thehindu

Tuesday, September 22, 2015

National Health Profile highlights poor doctor-patient ratio

NEW DELHI, September 22, 2015 | Updated: September 22, 2015 23:34 IST

Rukmini S.


‘India spends less of its GDP on health than some of the world’s poorest countries’

Every government hospital serves an estimated 61,000 people in India, with one bed for every 1833 people, new official data shows. In undivided Andhra Pradesh, every government hospital serves over 3 lakh patients while in Bihar, there is only one bed for every 8800 people.

Union Minister for Health J.P. Nadda released the National Health Profile 2015 prepared by the Central Bureau for Health Intelligence (CBHI) on Tuesday along with officials of the Ministry, the Directorate General of Health Services and the CBHI.

Every government allopathic doctor serves a population of over 11,000 people, with Bihar and Maharashtra having the worst ratios. The number of qualified allopathic doctors registered with medical councils fell in 2014 to 16,000, or less than half the previous year’s number; the data was however provisional, CBHI officials said. India now has cumulatively 9.4 lakh allopathic doctors, 1.54 lakh dental surgeons, and 7.37 lakh AYUSH doctors of whom more than half are Ayurvedic doctors. India’s 400 medical colleges admit an estimated 47,000 students annually.

The Centre’s share of total public expenditure on health has fallen over the last two years, and India spends less of its GDP on health than some of the world’s poorest countries. Among all States, undivided Andhra Pradesh had the highest public expenditure on health in 2012-13. Goa and the north-eastern States spent the most on health per capita while Bihar and Jharkhand spent the least.

Out-of-pocket private expenditure on health has risen steadily over the years, with the cost of medicines, followed by that of hospitalisation accounting for the largest share of the household expenditure. Absolute spending, as well as its share in total non-food expenditure, rises with income levels. Kerala spends the most privately on health.

Communicable diseases

Deaths from most communicable diseases have been falling steadily in India. Despite recording over 10 lakh cases, deaths from malaria are officially down to just over 500 annually; Odisha accounted for over one in three cases of malaria in 2014. The number of recorded chikungunya cases has fallen since a 2010 outbreak, but Maharashtra accounts for nearly half of all cases. Just over 40,000 cases of dengue were officially reported in 2014 and 131 deaths. While the number of cases of Acute Diarrhoeal Disease has risen every year to 1.16 crore in 2014, mortality from the disease has been steadily declining.

However, 2014 saw a sharp spike in cases and deaths due to Acute Encephalitis Syndrome, a disease concentrated in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Assam, and West Bengal. Japanese Encephalitis, concentrated in Assam and Uttar Pradesh also rose last year. Pulmonary tuberculosis remains the biggest communicable disease killer in India, accounting for over 63,000 deaths in 2014. Since disease data is largely reported from government health facilities only, it is likely to be heavily underestimated, CBHI officials said.

Non-communicable diseases are on the rise with cardiovascular diseases according for a quarter of deaths from non-communicable diseases and cancer accounting for six per cent.

Source: the hindu

Saturday, September 12, 2015

A new cosy arrangement

September 13, 2015

Nistula Hebbar

the hindu

File photo shows RSS chief Mohan Bhagawat, Mr. Gadkari and Prime Minister Narendra Modi in Vrindavan.

The rise in comfort levels in the relations between the RSS and the Modi government at the Centre is an important change from the previous, slightly fraught relationship between the Sangh and the Vajpayee government.

The three day Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Samanvay Baithak or co-ordination meeting held in Delhi between September 3 and 5 was important in both form and content in informing the country of the structure of organisations which now greatly influence its government. The RSS ended the meet with a ringing endorsement of the government, and government ministers were volubly unapologetic at having presented themselves at the meet for a seeming “performance appraisal.”

It was a performance that, in the words of professor Walter Anderson, co-author of the seminal work on the RSS, The Brotherhood in Saffron, sought to establish not just the commonality of policy goals, but “signalling that the RSS aims to speak out more openly on policy issues of importance, rather than just being a mediator of differences and a supplier of workers, and that the Modi government is comfortable with it doing so.”

This comfort between the RSS and the National Democratic Alliance government at the Centre is an important change from the previous, slightly fraught relationship between the Sangh (RSS) and the Atal Bihari Vajpayee government. It is a sign of increasing confidence in the RSS, with growing numbers of enrolment and mainstream support but also owes a lot to a conscious effort by the RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat and Prime Minister Narendra Modi to learn from the lessons of the past.

This is NDA 2.0

What are the contours of this new relationship? The first clue that most people got about this new communicative exchange was in September 2014, when Prime Minister Modi was informed, during a meeting at his residence 7 Race Course Road, that the RSS would be replacing Suresh Soni with RSS joint general secretary Krishna Gopal as the office bearer responsible for co-ordinating affairs between the RSS and the BJP. Mr. Gopal, from Mathura, is of a cohort group closer to the age of the current leadership in the party and shares Mr. Bhagwat’s rather pragmatic approach to things. The official announcement of this change was made in October that year, a full month’s grace period given to the party to adjust to it.

Indeed, the machinery of the relationship in its rivets has taken into account the likes and preferences of Prime Minister Modi and BJP president Amit Shah. “As soon as the elections were over, people more in tune with the new dispensation, both in age and inclination, like Ram Madhav, Shiv Prakash and Sunil Bansal (in the Uttar Pradesh unit) were seconded to the party,” said a senior BJP office bearer. When the ‘Ghar Wapsi’ agitation derailed an entire Parliament session, a key RSS office bearer heading the programme was asked to stand down, after Prime Minister Modi and Mr. Bhagwat got talking.

the hindu

"For the government, it has been 15 months of filial endorsement by the RSS." Photo: AP

In 2008, the RSS had decided to crystallise some of its ideological preoccupations into viable policy documents and work, and had set up a string of think tanks such as the Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF) and the India Foundation. In 2014, the two think tanks provided a rich hunting ground for appointment of ministers (Commerce Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, Railway Minister Suresh Prabhu, and Minister of State for Finance Jayant Sinha are from the India Foundation) and also important officials (National Security Advisor Ajit Doval and Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister Nripendra Misra were associated with the VIF). This created seamlessness in policy thinking, which was lacking earlier.

According to professor Pralay Kanungo, author of the well-regarded book, RSS’ Tryst with Politics: From Hedgewar to Sudarshan, the generational change in the BJP and the RSS cannot be over emphasised in explaining the new cosy arrangement. “During the Vajpayee premiership, he and L. K. Advani were like colossus on the Sangh stage, outflanking the sarsanghchalak K. S. Sudarshan. There was, in my opinion, a confidence deficit in the Sangh due to this, which manifested itself in a sharper tussle for control and dominance,” he said. “The new lot who are involved in mediating affairs — Krishna Gopal, Ram Madhav and Union Minister for Roads and Highways Nitin Gadkari are of a different ilk. Mostly there is a realisation that the mandate of 282 seats cannot be frittered away,” he adds.

The new rivets

BJP general secretary Ram Madhav, who handles many sensitive assignments for the party, pooh poohs suggestions that things were really bad between the RSS and the BJP in the Vajpayee era, but concedes that communication is better now.

“It’s not as if there was no ideological proximity then. There were many members of the NDA government then who were very close to the organisation. In 2002, in fact, we had a similar exercise between the RSS and the NDA government and then Prime Minister Vajpayeeji had also attended, albeit not with such a brouhaha being made about it,” he said. He added, however, that “mechanisms for co-ordination are better now, both formally and informally.”

An example of the formal mechanism is the recently held meet between education and culture ministers of BJP-ruled States, where the party’s office bearers and Union Ministers of those departments were present. “We prepared a lot for the meeting and we intend to meet at least twice a year,” said Union Minister for Culture Mahesh Sharma. The informal mechanism was at work on the issue of One Rank One Pension (OROP) where a gentle nudge from RSS second in command Suresh “Bhaiyyaji” Joshi sealed matters and within 48 hours an acceptable draft of the OROP settlement was announced to the country.

A senior BJP member who was part of the Vajpayee government and the current one says that the change is visible. “If you look at what RSS joint general secretary Dattatreya Hosabele said after the baithak on the Ram Temple issue—that they would not hand over a time table to the government on this, despite efforts by VHP leader Praveen Togadia—and contrast it with Dattopant Thengdi of the Swadeshi Jagaran Manch (SJM) offering dharna against the Vajpayee government on economic reforms, the picture will be clear.”

Individual ministers, he says, are encouraged to meet with Sangh affiliate organisations, on their issues. For example, the SJM met with environment minister Prakash Javadekar on field trials for Genetically Modified (GM) crops. The SJM was successful in getting the trials stopped despite recommendations to the contrary by the Genetic Engineering Approval Committee (GEAC), advising the ministry. On issues relating to the economy and agriculture, Union Minister Nitin Gadkari frequently mediates between the Sangh affiliates and the government.

The GM crops victory, in fact, was balanced by the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh (BMS) pulling out of the nationwide trade unions strike on September 2. “Therefore there is give and take, and the Sangh retains its role as the final arbitrator in any given dispute,” he adds.

Fraying accord

When the government was first sworn in, there was widespread talk of how the RSS has given it a free pass for at least a year to get things into shape. It has been 15 months of filial endorsement by the RSS. And yet, there are issues, analysts feel, the resolution of which will test the mettle of the new Pax Bhagwat.

Many say that clashes within the Parivar could emerge on three issues. The first is on the question of Indianisation of science and research. The RSS is promoting it but the government may be eager to retain the credibility of India abroad. The second is the economy, where the Swadeshi agenda may contradict ‘Make in India’, the Modi government’s manufacturing outreach, and finally, the question of appointments to institutions.

The government will have to assess how far it can go in getting appointments done without affecting institutions. Prof. Kanungo, in fact, says that the question of appointments has the most potential in creating rifts between various wings of the Sangh and the government. The fire over the appointment of Gajendra Chauhan as the head of the Film and Television Institute of India hasn’t been doused yet.

Heads of various educational institutions including Delhi University and Jawaharlal Nehru University are yet to be appointed.

A senior BJP leader from Gujarat, who has observed Prime Minister Modi since his days as Chief Minister, says that more than anything, the sidelining of people like Mr. Togadia from the mainstream of Sangh affairs to fringe will be a hidden danger. “On the question of the Ram Temple and even on the religious census data, Togadia was asked to pipe down and a more middle path was to be taken. After being reduced to the fringe in Modi’s Gujarat, he is risking that in Modi’s India. The phenomenon of Hardik Patel is a sign of this restlessness of those marginalised to the fringes of the discourse,” he said.

“No government is in a position to tolerate political violence. Sangh affiliates who may have to accommodate government concerns on key issues may revolt. Ultimately that will be the true test of this new found arrangement,” he said.

Source: thehindu

Dear BJP, I’m a Hindu and I reject Hindutva

Don’t teach me about my own religion. Who I should worship. How I should dress or what I should eat.

POLITICS |  Long-form | 12-09-2015

Suchitra Krishnamoorthi @suchitrak

I am like most other urban Indians. Apolitical. Or non political. A novice. An outsider. But a well wisher. Because I love my India.

And like most other urban Indians, other than election time, when we dutifully go and cast our votes silently, politics has no impact on our lives. Yes we gasp over scams and purported stories, but just as quickly dust the sand off our feet and move on. Politics never enters our homes - certainly not our bedrooms and kitchens. Yes we cursed much when Shiv Sena changed our beloved Bombay’s name to Mumbai when they came to power in 1995, but quickly saw the rationale behind the move. Desi euphoria and jingoism bloomed. With the luxury of life digested with a silver spoon, it was easy to see the virtue behind a Shivaji statue.

Even when vehicles were set ablaze in Marathi Manoos prejudice and Biharis asked to return to their home state, we ignored them with the hope that sense would soon prevail. It didn’t. Sadly. Hindutva ideology had started to seep in. To even the most neutral amongst us, it was unacceptable.

Never mind the disappointment. Manmohan Singh is a brilliant economist and will herald a new India we were told. After all as India’s finance minister in the 90’s, he had introduced to us the concept of India shining. But his failure as prime minister that he was ushered into in 2004 was soon apparent - what was the power Sonia Gandhi wielded over him? OMG and why? What on earth for? Why did he look like a deer trapped under the headlights?

Sycophancy was the giant ogre in this Congress government - everybody was getting swallowed and the whole country was dying. An Italian accent became the most despised sound in the Indian psyche - even senior leaders like Digvijaya Singh had fallen into the Gandhi scion brainwash. Rahul Gandhi? Really? But Pappu can’t dance saala. Oh and not to forget that Vadra boy. What did Priyanka see in him ya? Looks like a total goonda and how did his whole family die so mysteriously ya? OMG? What? Forbes has listed Sonia Gandhi as the third richest woman in the world? Baapre! And she still wears those cheap cotton sarees?  What an actress ya. Better than Shabana Azmi!

Uff India and its Bollywood fixation. Anyway to cut a long story short, when it was time to re-elect a new government in 2014, I, like most other urban Indians reeling under the corruption of dynastic politics and a failed Congress government, was filled with hope. Hope for a new India. Hope for change. Hope that things will finally get  better.

Arvind Kejriwal and his Gandhi delusion (remember how he went on a fast every time and for anything and tried to project that he is a Mahatma Gandhi reincarnate while trying to hide the fact that he is CIA (Ford Foundation) funded? Of course, his common man phonyism gave away his own opportunistic game way too soon and he fell by the wayside. Phew! He was India’s first anti-corruption hope dashed. Who could we turn to?

dailyo

Narendra Modi-led BJP seemed like the only hope in April-May 2014. Were we wrong to expect?

India was desperate. We needed a leader. Badly. We needed progress. We needed a semblance of honesty. We desperately needed hope again. It came in the form of Narendra Modi. Brilliantly packaged. Karmachari. Brahmachari. Sanskaari.

So well was the Gujarat model marketed that Modi became the one man capable of delivering us – India – into the future. A future built on the foundation of tradition. Indian tradition. As anti-Italian as one could get.

The fact that the only other prior perception the public had of BJP as a party was its Karnataka ministers – CC Patil and Laxman Savadi watching porn in Assembly in 2012, or the ban on women wearing jeans in the state and being beaten for consuming alcohol,  but all that was soon obliterated by Modi’s own five-star charisma and his PR machinery. If anybody deserves an Oscar for PR, it is indeed Sri Narendra Modi’s team.

So, swayed by a desperate hope as we were, longing pleading and begging for a better India as we were, I, like every other urban Indian, even went out on a limb urging my friends and family to vote for Narendra Modi. Stated on social media that Narendra Modi’s greatest ally was Rahul Gandhi. And I wasn’t wrong.

The BJP government won because we Indians had become so soooo Gandhi family intolerant - any alternative seemed like manna from heaven in comparison.

Had the Congress propped some other leader of calibre other than the gora chitta Rahul Gandhi or his Maa, the votes would have been divided. But Rahul sealed it. BJP owes him a lot for their victory.

But what have they done with their victory? It’s been disappointing to say the least. Not just disappointing. Annoying. Frightening. Unacceptable. Totally. Totally, totally unacceptable. Despicable really.

I remember whilst urging my friends to vote for Narendra Modi, a Muslim friend had joked that if BJP comes to power he will have to get on a boat to Karachi. So real loomed the spectre of the Godhra riots in everyone’s head, and so real the feeling of Muslim persecution. Was he wrong?

At that point I had reprimanded my Muslim friend that his fear rose from the fact that his allegiance was with the Islamic state in the first place; so he shouldn’t use the minority card to gain undeserved rights and privileges. If Karachi is emotionally a boatride away, surely it’s where he belonged? "You don’t understand SK,” he sighed. In retrospect I think he might have been right.

Reservation and minority status for the Muslims in my view was nothing but vote bank politics. The Congress party policy of divide and rule. But hey... I admit, I don’t really understand everything. Like I said I’m a novice. But hey.. I’m also an artist enough to understand that even a novice is entitled to her worldview and I’m common enough to understand that I express what a large number of people feel but are unable to elucidate. So, here goes.

It’s been barely over a year of the BJP government and just how disappointed are we? God OMG - more than disappointed, I believe. We are shocked and hoping it’s still all a mistake. Did we ever imagine we are voting for a despotic fascist regime? What exactly is going on? WTF!

*Beef Ban* – Dear BJP! Can u please explain what wrong did the chicken or the goat do that they deserve to be killed and not the cow? Yes, yes, Congress imposed it before you, but how come they didn’t bombard it on us as much as you? Why am I suddenly feeling embarrassed about being a Hindu?

*Meat Ban* – Yes, you want revenge and oneupmanship on your Congress counterparts and distract us from the fact that you are failing completely in governance. Farmer suicides, rape, children dying by falling into potholes, Gajendra Chauhan ... need I say more!

dailyo

Meat ban looks like a cheap shot at making us forget about the governance failure on all counts.

Did you say sedition charges were to be slapped against those who dare to speak up!!! I mean really? I dare you, seriously.

And what was that drivel about eliminating western culture and reclaiming Indian culture?

What exactly do you mean by that dear education minister (HRD), Smriti Irani, you who is not even sure of what education degree you have acquired yourself or in what language? For someone, who doesn’t herself know if she is a BA by correspondence or a BCom by imagination, is not likely to know the difference between Hinduism and Hindutva, is she now?

Hinduism is a philosophy. The doctrine of which allows me the choice of acceptance or rejection. Ram or Ganpati or even atheism. Upanishads or Gita or tantra or mantra. Hindutva, on the other hand, is militant imposition of wrongly interpreted tenets of Hinduism. Hindutva is a political tool - nothing to do with the religion itself.

I’m not showing off or being patronising, I promise you. My grandfather and my ancestors were temple priests - my father still recites the Vedas verbatim. My sister recites them without having ever studied them - it is so in my bloodline. That’s how Hindu my lineage is.

So do not teach me about my own religion, dear BJP. Don’t tell me how I should think. Who I should worship. How I should dress or what I should eat.

I am a Hindu - by definition purer and a higher form than you can ever b e- and I reject your Hindutva. Just as Islam must reject the Taliban or Isis.

To be a Hindu is to be tolerant. It’s why we have survived as a race in spite of invasion, conversion and unimaginable attempted destruction. If you do not understand that tolerance or exercise that compassion so intrinsic to our religion, you do not deserve to call yourself Hindu. Or a leader of a democratic nation.

So dear BJP. I reject your Hindutva.  I reject your fascism. I reject your despotism.

Dare me if you will. For I speak for all of India.

Mind it! :-)

Source: dailyo

Tuesday, September 01, 2015

Menstruation Innovation: Lessons from India

By Jennifer Weiss-Wolf September 1, 2015 3:20 pm

The New York Times
Jennifer Weiss-Wolf, right, with Annie Lascoe and Arunachalam Muruganantham
at his factory in Coimbatore, India.Credit

In recent months, a wave of period-positivity has captured headlines – from Kiran Gandhi’s bold free-bleeding run of the London Marathon, to the successful repeal of Canada’s national “tampon tax.” Donald Trump catapulted menstruation smack into the middle of  the Republican presidential debate when he ridiculed Megyn Kelly’s inquiry about his prior sexist rants, telling CNN she had “blood coming out of her wherever.”

This spike in media attention has helped promote a dialogue about eradicating the stigma around menstruation in the United States, as well as addressing the financial burden it often poses. Visible progress has ensued, including: introduction of legislation to eliminate sales tax on feminine hygiene products in Ohio and New York, two of the 40 states that impose it; convening of New York City’s first-ever roundtable on menstrual health, with a forthcoming pilot project in the public schools; a proliferation of creative donation and “buy one-give one” initiatives; and an array of savvy hashtag campaigns, including #TheHomelessPeriod and #JustATampon (both gone viral after starting in the U.K.).

In the quest to address issues of menstrual health and hygiene, however, most of the ingenuity and innovation has been spearheaded in the developing world, where millions can’t access sanitary products, often resorting to dirt, leaves and bark to absorb menstrual blood. Lack of plumbing and access to toilets further exacerbate the problem, and superstition and religious tradition leave countless women isolated and ashamed. In fact, India — where only 12 percent of women in India use sanitary products — offers many lessons that can be adapted here in the United States.

This summer I had the opportunity to join Annie Lascoe, founder of Conscious., an organic tampon business that will partner with Los Angeles-based community organizations and shelters to help low-income and homeless women meet menstrual needs, on a trip to India. We went directly to the source: Arunachalam Muruganantham, the creator of a menstrual micro-enterprise model that is nothing short of revolutionary. A school dropout from a poor family in southern India, Muruganantham first became aware of the issue in 1998; newly married, he was shocked to witness his wife’s struggle to manage (and hide) her monthly bleeding. At great personal cost – financial and social – he dedicated himself to inventing a machine to make low-cost sanitary pads out of pulverized wood fiber. Today he supplies machines to more than 400 production sites serving 1,300 villages in the poorest and most under-developed regions of India. All are managed and staffed by women, who make and sell the pads at minimal cost (approximately 2.5 rupees per pad, mere pennies in U.S. currency).

Muruganantham’s work has been celebrated by world leaders and philanthropists, including the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, and last year he was named one of TIME Magazine’s 100 Most Influential People.

The New York Times
Amitaben, owner of a Sakhi production site based in Vadodara, India.Credit Jennifer Weiss-Wolf

Appreciating the vast and desperate need for sanitary products, Muruganantham is refreshingly open to allowing others to build on his model. One such innovator is Swati Bedekar, a former science and math teacher in the western state of Gujarat. After observing that girls missed school several days every month due to menstruation, Bedeker sought to help. She started with Muruganantham’s machines – but went on to simplify the production process, and also created a slimmer, more modern pad with “wings,” beloved by Indian women who adore the American touch. Shes since launched 40 production sites, run by women who are paid per pad they produce – which are sold in packages of ten for 20 rupees (around 35 cents) under the name “Sakhi” (Hindi for “generous). The workers also receive training in menstruation education – which they impart to women and girls, men and boys alike – as well as in basic financial management.

Bedekar’s husband, Shyam, a textile engineer and farmer, invented a special incinerator to dispose of the pads. Made from terracotta or cement and resembling a flower pot, the incinerator is brilliant in its simplicity: Because it doesn’t require electricity, it can be operated discreetly, burning the used pads and turning them into ash without spreading smoke and eliminating odor. Other benefits: production of the incinerators has become a source of livelihood for local potters; and the ash that is produced, when mixed with soil, is beneficial to locally grown plants.

The New York Times
One of Aakar Innovations’ production sites, based in the Dharavi slum of Mumbai.Credit Jennifer Weiss-Wolf

Aakar Innovations, a Mumbai- and Delhi-based hybrid social enterprise founded by Jaydeep Mandal, employs a similar model – and has created pads that are 100 percent compostable and biodegradable, meeting a higher environmental standard than much of what is on the commercial market. Aakar’s 40 women-run and women-staffed production sites are often established in partnership with local NGOs, which provide a full array of social and educational services. The NGO partnership also enables women to be paid a regular, reliable stipend, rather than on a per pad basis. Each site employs 15 to 30 women who produce 1,600 to 2,000 pads per day, enough to meet the needs of 5,000 women each month. Aakar is being recognized by the United Nations next month for its socially responsible and sustainable programs that empower women.

The work happening in India and elsewhere in the developing world provides lessons for us here at home:

Collaboration: we must aspire to be as forward-thinking and generous as Muruganantham in sharing a winning model and letting others improve upon it.

Education: we must be as holistic as all three of these innovators, linking dialogue and information to any product, whether purchased or donated.

Ownership: we must think about charity not just as a way to provide for those in need, but also to enable them to participate and take the reins of their own destiny.

The slew of period-focused news spiraling the Internet – what I’ve come to refer to as 2015’s Menstruation Sensation – stands in contrast to how little is being done to meet the menstrual needs of poor women here at home. Those who are homeless or incarcerated in the United States face similar health risks when they can’t access or afford sanitary products. Our current public benefits system often leads women to trade food stamps for tampons. Are a handful of sales tax reform bills – saving women eight cents on the dollar – and community donation drives the very best we can do? I hope not. Women in America, and around the globe, deserve a comprehensive and innovative policy agenda that addresses the very real crisis of menstrual hygiene management.

Jennifer Weiss-Wolf (@jweisswolf) is vice president for development for the Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law.

Sunday, August 30, 2015

What poetry has to do with math

We stand to gain much from developing an understanding of ancient India, its deep and diverse ideas.

Written by Rohan Murty | Published:August 31, 2015 12:06 am


indian express
      Illustration by C R Sasikumar

Over the past year, I have heard my friend, mathematician Manjul Bhargava, give several public lectures on the deep connections between poetry, Sanskrit and mathematics. Like many other mathematicians before him who have written or spoken on this topic, Manjul gave an array of examples that demonstrate the tremendous depth and contributions made by ancient Indian (for the purposes of exposition, stretching perhaps from present day Afghanistan to Burma) philosophers and poets to mathematics, often before their counterparts in Western societies did the same. Manjul’s quintessential example is from roughly 11th century India, when Gopala and Hemachandra discovered a delightful connection between the number of syllables in Sanskrit poetry and mathematics. The answer, it turns out, is what we now call the Fibonacci series (also appears in the number of petals in certain flowers in nature), which was eventually rediscovered by Leonardo of Pisa, better known as Fibonacci, about 50-80 years later.

That there should be an inherent connection between the number of syllables in Sanskrit poetry, a product of human thought, and the number of petals in flowers in nature must startle any reasonable person. Another extraordinary example that Manjul highlights is the discovery of the binomial structure hidden in Sanskrit poetry, as discovered by the ancient Indian poet Pingala, roughly in 200 BC. This was about 1,800 years prior to the French mathematician Pascal’s Traité du triangle arithmétique, which we today learn as Pascal’s triangle. Other examples include the use of techniques that resemble modern error-correcting codes, synchronisation, and formal language definition in Sanskrit poetry and prose. These are all modern inventions (or reinventions, in some cases) that impact almost every aspect of our lives, from computer languages to wireless communications.

It would, of course, be foolhardy to claim the ancients invented or knew of computer languages or wireless communications. That would be like claiming Copernicus built space ships to fly to the moon. Rather, what these examples do highlight is that a long time ago, in or near the region we live in today, there existed a thriving civilisation that produced extraordinary intellectual thought and ideas which continue to have fundamental connections with the way we live today. We appear to have lost knowledge of this ancient past through the vicissitudes and vagaries of time. And with it, a significant source of pride and the ability to influence modern Indian identity. Few people of my generation appear to be aware of these facts.

Part of our ongoing ignorance of the past appears to be structural. Case in point: At my high school in Bangalore, as part of the ICSE syllabus, we read Hamlet, Merchant of Venice, works by Wordsworth, Tennyson, James Joyce, Dickens, etc. We even read Walt Whitman wax eloquent about the end of the American Civil War and Abe Lincoln’s death in “O Captain! my Captain! our fearful trip is done”. Never mind the fact that none of us in class knew what a civil war was at the time, or that America had one, or how or why Lincoln died. We read the tremendously uplifting lines from Tennyson’s “Ulysses”: “To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield”, all while lacking the context of ancient Greece or even knowing how to say “Ithaca” (we learnt it as EYE-THA-KA). We had little or no context for these strange ideas, words, phrases, stories, heroes and worlds.

And yet, we read these poems, short stories, novels, and wrote essays about them to pass our school exams. This was an enjoyable experience and I would do it again. However, such an educational experience and exposure was severely stunted in its diversity of thought and ideas. What strikes me as odd is that we students never read any classics that originated in this part of the world — that is, ancient India — despite having a cultural advantage of perhaps being able to understand the context better. We knew of no texts, poems, plays, great prose, science, mathematics, civics, political life or philosophy from 2,000-plus years ago from ancient India. My friends and I, stereotypes of the urban educated populace, remained entirely unaware of the intellectual contributions of this past. The most we seemed to know were a couple of random dates and trinkets of information on the Indus Valley civilisation, Ashoka and Chandragupta Maurya, all of which seemed almost perfunctory and without any depth in the manner we read them in school.

As students, we were well versed with Plato, Aristotle, Pythagoras, Copernicus, Newton, Leibniz, Pascal, Galois, Euler, etc, and their tremendous contributions to mankind. And yet, most of us had never read about Aryabhatta, Brahmagupta, Pingala, Kalidasa, Hemachandra, Madhava, the Nyaya or Mimimsa Sutras, or the Therigatha.

But why bother with any of this? After all, we were never part of these accomplishments and they were so long ago, by a people so far removed from today’s reality, that attempting to create any link to the past is surely irrelevant. But I would argue this discovery of the past is no less relevant than what we already study and acknowledge in the earlier cited examples in our schools and colleges. Besides, these sources of knowledge from ancient India are products of creative human thought and hold genuine value for the world, irrespective of where they come from, or geographic affinities. For example, any child on this planet will find mathematics far more amenable when learning parts of it through poetry, as opposed to the dry, dull methods espoused by most mathematics pedagogy today.

While national identity is a complex phenomenon, perhaps in some proportion it relates to the intellectual contributions made by societies to help advance knowledge and improve the human condition. Newton is a hero to many like me, who read in wonder about how he unravelled the basic laws of the universe. Great literature and philosophy from Western societies have helped us reflect on the human condition. Such examples from the Western world have magnified our respect for societies that could harbour, enable and encourage such curiosity. In the same vein, we stand to gain much from developing an understanding of ancient India, its deep and diverse ideas, which are no less extraordinary than those we have come to marvel in Western civilisations. I am not suggesting we lose respect for contributions made by other societies or civilisations, or that everything of note was discovered in this part of the world. Rather, we ourselves have much to gain when we dispassionately discover, examine and acknowledge the intellectual history of ancient India. We may be surprised to find it was perhaps a more open, tolerant and diverse society than even the one we have lived in since Independence. If you need more convincing or inspiration, look up Manjul’s talk on YouTube. Or try reading the Therigatha.

The writer, junior fellow in the Society of Fellows at Harvard University, is founder, Murty Classical Library of India.

Source: indianexpress

Sunday, August 09, 2015

Girl loses way, walkers fly her to Coimbatore for admission

CHENNAI/COIMBATORE, August 10, 2015

Vipasha Sinha
Karthik Madhavan

thehindu
Swathi and her mother Thangaponnu at Anna University in Chennai on Saturday.

Instead of TNAU, Coimbatore, the girl and her mother reached Anna University in Chennai by mistake.

For a group of walkers in Anna University, Saturday morning was no less than a page out of a movie script.

Around 6.30 a.m., they saw a woman and a young girl asking people for directions. Curious, some of them approached the duo to offer help.

R. Swathi, who had scored 1,017 marks in her Plus Two, came with her mother Thangaponnu, a shepherd from their hometown of Musiri in Tiruchi. “They were asked to come to Anna Arangam, Tamil Nadu Agriculture University, Coimbatore, but they reached Anna University by mistake,” said M. Saravanan, a former student of College of Engineering, Guindy and a member of a walking group called Twalkers.

Counselling was to start at 8.30 a.m. in Coimbatore. Both mother and daughter had lost hope. One of the walkers brought them breakfast, another went to book and print out the flight tickets, while another was speaking to TNAU staff in Coimbatore. Tickets were confirmed and Twalkers’ members decided to share the cost of Rs. 10,500. Some of the walkers, who are teaching at Anna University, spoke to TNAU registrar C.R. Ananda Kumar, explained the problem and asked for extra time.

“We took off at 10.05 a.m., landed at 11.28 a.m. and in the next hour we had the admission letter on our hands,” Ms. Swathi said. She will now pursue B.Tech. Biotechnology at the Coimbatore campus. “It looks like a miracle now,” she says. The Twalkers did not stop there. They called up Thangaponnu to confirm if they had secured the admission. “It was very kind of them to do so. They came around like an angel when we had lost hope,” Swathi said.

After getting the seat and back in their hometown in Musiri, the mother-daughter are now planning to visit Chennai again. “We want to return the money they spent to buy our flight tickets. How else can we say thank them,” Ms. Thangaponnu said.

Source: thehindu