Sunday, March 27, 2016

One country, many nationalisms

Features » Magazine                                   March 26, 2016   

thehindu
A flag vendor tries to make a living by selling the tricolours and badges. Photo: K. Murali Kumar     The Hindu

What does the idea of India mean to the ordinary people — the auto drivers and fishermen, students and shopkeepers, car drivers and homemakers?

In the wake of an increasingly shrill demand for demonstrative ‘nationalism’, the country has ranged itself on two distinct sides, each taking upon itself the onus of defining and laying down just what nationalism is, which anthems are more or less devoted, which symbols more significant, and which citizens can be awarded certificates as good, bad or middling patriots. In the ensuing noise of battle, what we have lost sight of is the middle ground, inhabited by the ordinary people, the auto drivers and fishermen, the students and shopkeepers, the car drivers and homemakers. What do they think? What does the idea of India mean to them? How do they demonstrate their love or loyalty? What is important to them? The Sunday Magazine team fanned out across the country to talk to this anonymous person on the street. And what we found was eye-opening.

From the fisherman in Chennai who said that before Bharat Mata he worships Kadal Mata (ocean mother) who gives him his daily bread to the tribal musician in Kerala who said making anthems compulsory in school is no guarantee to produce more patriotic students to the driver in Vellore who said that Jana Gana Mana has no religion, we discovered a quality of distilled and clear reality in the ordinary Indian’s thinking that is far removed from the unreal and harsh debate of primetime television and social media. Read on to hear their voices.

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‘The bore-well is broken’

Shakuntala Soren (40), Santhali, Purulia, West Bengal

Shakuntala

This Santhal woman from Shahajuri village, deep inside the Bengal-Jharkhand border, seeks help from her neighbours when asked about ‘nationalism’. “Weh ki?” (what is that?) she asks in Santhali.

Much explanation later, the word still makes no sense to her. So we ask if she knows the “identity” of her country. She looks around at her neighbours and then says “Bengal”.

And what about the national anthem? Soren looks restless. “Nolkup bari ekana,” she says. (“The bore-well is broken.”)

We turn to ‘Bharat mata ki jai’ and now the crowd gets restive. Someone shouts, “We don’t have work.”

A middle-aged man, Dhananjay Kisku, says they “barely survive” selling dry timber.

“I visit the forest too,” Soren says, and leaves to collect timber from the Ayodhya hills, a Maoist stronghold during the last elections five years ago.

- Suvojit Bagchi



‘Wasn’t Bharat a king?’

Mohammad Idrees Choudhary (47) , Dry fruit merchant, Bengaluru, Karnataka

Mohammad

Surrounded by neat packages of dry fruits imported from across the globe, Mohammad Idrees Choudhary, a 47-year-old merchant in the nearly 100-year-old Russel Market, explains what makes him an “Indian”. “At events and functions, I say: ‘Jai Hind, Jai Karnataka’ as a gratitude to the country and state that has allowed me to thrive. Now, with all this talk of ‘Bharat Mata ki Jai’, I am confused. Wasn’t Bharat a king? How can he suddenly be a mata? If I think ‘Jai Hind’ symbolises my patriotism better than ‘Bharat Mata ki Jai’, why should I be forced to say the latter?”

With poverty rampant and other pressing issues still affecting life, citizens do not have the time to repeatedly display their ‘patriotism’. “It is only politicians who seem to have all the time in the world to set these rules,” he says.

- Mohit M. Rao



‘Hatred is anti-national’

Drashti Shah (28), Entrepreneur, Ahmedabad, Gujarat

Drashti

For Drashti Shah, patriotism or nationalism is about respect for the fundamental rights enshrined in the Constitution. “My definition of nationalism is to serve a new India that is visibly emerging from the fold of its many pasts. This new India needs to be seen with new eyes, free from the baggage of yesterday's political characterisations,” says Shah who is a designer and runs a café.

“A liberal and pluralistic democratic nation makes us a progressive and self-confident country,” she says. Anything that promotes violence or hatred, says Shah, is anti-national.

- Mahesh Langa




‘My slogan is Jai Bheem'
Premnath Dhingra (52), Sanitation worker, Meerut, UP

Premnath

“For a sanitation worker, a Dalit who cleans toilets and streets, and who has struggled all his or her life for dignity, ‘Bharat Mata ki Jai’ has no meaning, says Premnath Dhingra, a sanitation workers’ leader in Meerut. “In fact, as a group that faced upper caste atrocities for centuries, I would say that this slogan is an insult for us because the Hindutva groups that are talking about ‘Bharat Mata’ hail the caste system and want to continue with the structures of injustice and untouchability. It was neither a slogan of Bhagat Singh nor Baba sahab (Ambedkar), nor even Mahatma Gandhi,” he says. For Dhingra,the very idea of questioning the nationalism of lawful citizens of the country is “problematic”.

“From what I know of history, I can say that ruling governments and ideologues have raised the issue of nationalism when they had to do something dangerous. One instance is Hitler.”

“Nationalism,” continues Dhingra, cannot be “a slogan or an abstract idea or a statue or just one symbol. For me, nationalism means talking about those living in the nation and working to ensure equality, liberty, social justice and the absence of corruption”

For Dhingra, the suspension of the MLA in Maharashtra is not only wrong but also illegal. “Not only Waris Pathan, even I would never say ‘Bharat Mata ki Jai’. Why would I? For me, the slogan is ‘Jai Bheem’, which stands for the struggle of Dalits. But I would never advocate forcing ‘Jai Bheem’ on anybody,” says Dhingra.

- Mohammad Ali



‘Corruption is anti-national’

P. Kannadas (42), Toddy shopkeeper, Muthalamada, Kerala

P. Kannadas

A worker at a toddy parlour close to the Govindapuram border checkpost between Pollachi in Tamil Nadu and Palakkad in Kerala, P. Kannadas is also an amateur nature photographer and environmental activist. “My area is a composite of Tamil and Malayalam traditions. Many unskilled workers from North India, who work in the farms and factories of Pollachi and Palakkad, visit my shop every day. I don’t feel any difference based on region or language. I connect with them as a daily-wage worker who ekes out a living in a toddy shop. For me, the ability to relate with others is nationalism. Patriotism is not just jargon but an attempt to consider all Indians as equals irrespective of their class, community and other affiliations. Patriotism is not an end in itself. It must be a giant leap forward to achieve global citizen status.” For Kannadas, corruption and communalism are anti-national. “They are taking our society backwards to the dark ages. Nationalism is not about wearing a T-shirt carrying symbol of Bharat Mata. It is something that must help us broaden our perspective.”

- K.A. Shaji



‘Kadal Mata is my first loyalty'

R. Raju (45), Fisherman, Chennai, Tamil Nadu

R. Raju

R. Raju is still intently unknotting his fishing net when we begin talking. “What does desa bhakti (patriotism) mean to me?” he repeats my question. And then, as if on cue, the 45-year-old resident of Pattinapakkam, along Chennai’s Marina Beach, responds: “It’s like worshipping god.”

But when we come to the question of Bharat Mata, Raju is more contemplative. He turns around and points to the sea: “To me, Kadal Mata (ocean mother) is with whom my first loyalty lies. Everything else follows. Bharat mata, swamis and temples, whatever, whoever they may be.”

On a day when the catch is good Raju makes close to Rs. 1,000. “The ocean is the giver. That is how I have fed and clothed and educated my children, that is how I run my house.” For Raju, the ocean is clearly bigger than the nation.

- Divya Gandhi



‘Jana Gana Mana must be compulsory in schools’

Suresh Shaw (52), Street vendor, Kolkata, West Bengal

Suresh Shaw

Suresh Shaw is not sure about the symbols of patriotism, but he is particularly fond of ‘Jana Gana Mana,’ which he used to sing at his local government school. A sports enthusiast, Shaw has played football in the first division league in Kolkata until poverty and family pressure forced him to give it up. Now Shaw sells vehicle accessories on the pavement. “I think the national anthem should be made compulsory in schools. This makes us more patriotic. We are able to express our love for the motherland,” he says. Patriotism, says Shaw, is to express deference to the nation, but being patriotic also means “having responsibility to stand beside your countrymen”.

- Shiv Sahay Singh



‘Patriotism is dwindling’

P. Ramesh (32),Shopkeeper, Vellore, Tamil Nadu

P. Ramesh

P. Ramesh says that patriotism has been dwindling over the years. “Not many understand what true patriotism is. When compared to earlier generations, the present generation gives less importance to patriotism. I am proud to be an Indian. Be Indian, buy Indian is what I believe in.”

Ramesh regrets that people vote for money but show less interest in being loyal to the nation. He says that singing the national anthem is a wonderful feeling.

“For me, listening to the national anthem or singing it is a chance to feel patriotism. Students should definitely sing the anthem everyday in school, as those few minutes are an opportunity to express our love for the nation.”

The businessman sees nothing wrong in chanting ‘Bharat Mata ki Jai’. “There is a practice of saying ‘Jai Hind’ and ‘Bharat Mata ki Jai’ gives a different feeling. There is nothing wrong in saying it.”

What distresses him is engaging children in labour, alcoholism, and discrimination against women. “These are not good for the country. Child labour is an insult to the nation. Providing education to women is equal to educating the society,” he says.

- Serena Josephine M.



‘The debate is absurd’

Sheeba Ameer (55), Social worker, Thrissur, Kerala

Sheeba Ameer

As a social worker engaged in supplying free essential medicines to institutions housing people with disability, Sheeba Ameer believes the present debate on nationalism and patriotism involves a high dose of absurdity. “Those who have any doubt on nationalism must read the Indian Constitution. It has clearly defined nationalism as pluralistic and accommodative. The concept of nationalism envisaged in the constitution involves the right to dissent and the right to remain different,’’ she says.

“I come from an orthodox Muslim family and life so far was a relentless fight against fundamentalism of different hues. Intolerance has no religion. Nationalistic and patriotic feelings must not involve hate and intolerance. We must not allow obscurantists to define nationalism,” she says. According to Ameer, nationalism must not be something imposed on others by a brute majority.

“I don’t know what prevented the Maharashtra MLA from saying ‘Bharat Mata ki Jai’, but forcing one person to say something and punishing him for disobedience would not be ideal for a civilised world. We have to make our democracy more meaningful by ending hatred based on religion and narrow perceptions of nationality.”

K.A. Shaji

Source: thehindu

Saturday, March 26, 2016

How rumours on Twitter maliciously painted the Delhi dentist murder as a communal incident

Communal Poison

The dangerous falsehoods continued even after police and press reports made it clear that there was no communal angle to the murder.

Scroll Staff

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Another day another #outrage on social media. Except, in this case, things were more malevolent than usual.

A 40-year-old dentist was beaten to death in west Delhi’s Vikaspuri area on Wednesday. The incident started when the victim, Pankaj Narang, was involved in a quarrel with two men on a motorcycle. As per an Indian Express report Narang slapped the rider, leading to tempers flaring. Later, the rider returned with a group of nine ­– consisting of five Hindus and four Muslims as per a Dainik Bhaskar report – and proceeded to assault Narang, leading to his death.

Ignoring or unmindful of these facts, however, users on social media sites such as Twitter started to twist this murder into a communal incident.

On Friday morning Rahul Raj, co-founder of the website OpIndia.com, made Holi the “cause” of the “communal” clash.



He later deleted the above tweet, saying:


But Twitter was already abuzz with the rumour.


This handle has 63,000 followers and is followed by the prime minister, among others.

Even when the Holi motive died down, the rumour that this was a “Hindu-Muslim” clash, a Dadri-in-reverse, persisted.

Tarek Fatah, a Canadian writer who frequently comments on communal relations in India, incorrectly characterised the mixed-faith mob as a “Muslim mob”, going on to graphically describe the violence.


Fatah later on deleted this tweet and posted a correction.

As if the “Muslim mob” rumour wasn’t enough, anonymous but influential Tweeters added “Bangladeshi” to the mix, firing up things even more. A handle calling itself the “Amit Shah Army” with 72,000 followers tweeted this out on Saturday morning:


There was even a call for on-ground mobilisation – lucidly illustrating how seemingly harmless rumour mongering in cyberspace could lead to actual real-world violence.



Matters reached a pass where the Additional Deputy Commissioner of Police of Delhi (West) had to actually tweet out the religious break up of the mob in order to quash rumours.


Bhardwaj’s tweets as well as the many press reports clearing up the matter, though, seems to have had little effect on Twitter as the hashtag #JusticeforDrNarang, filled with communal comments, trended at first place on Saturday afternoon.

While the Indian Twitter community is tiny – the website has 2.2 crore user, amounting to 1.8% of the country’s population – it often generates a disproportionate amount of noise given its elite, English-speaking character. Unfortunate, this isn’t the first time Tweeters have used their social media megaphone to try and spread communal rumours. Here are three earlier such instances:

1. It wasn’t #GodhraAgain. So what exactly happened in Uttar Pradesh?

2. The riot that wasn’t: How Twitter spread rumours of communal violence in Kolkata

3. Kolkata Ground report: Was Durga Pujo really banned in a West Bengal village?



We welcome your comments at letters@scroll.in.

Source: scrollin

Friday, March 25, 2016

Legal plans and letters of love: A despatch from the embattled University of Hyderabad

STUDENTS PROTEST

Photos from a campus that is bracing for even more students to be arrested.

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 Image credit: Mayank Jain

From taxi drivers who cautioned this writer against entering the campus to speculation at tea stalls about why media vans have has been stationed at this specific corner of Hyderabad's Gachibowli area for the past few days, Hyderabad University has become a talking point – and not for its academic prowess.

The front gate has two checkposts manned by police personnel. Behind the barricades are members of the campus security who ask everyone seeking entry for an identity card before deciding whether they will be allowed in. The only exceptions are vehicles belonging to members of the faculty or carrying supplies of food and water.

The ban on the media on campus has resulted in a near-blackout of credible information about events at the university.

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On the grounds on Friday morning, however, there is near-silence. There were no obvious clues about the ideological churning inside the institution. Since Tuesday, the campus has been in a heightened state of tension, after the crackdown that in several students being detained for allegedly vandalising Vice Chancellor Appa Rao’s office on Tuesday.

At the campus shopping complex is a makeshift memorial stone to the man whose suicide in January came to embody the concerns swirling on campus. Dalit scholar Rohith Vemula hung himself in a hostel room on January 17, after a series of events that had started with him and four other Dalit students being put on indefinite suspension for allegedly assaulting a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party's student wing, the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad.

Since his death, students have been sitting under a tent at the memorial singing songs of resistance, protesting, shouting slogans and issuing releases to the press reiterating their demand that Vice Chancellor Appa Rao should take responsibility and resign.

While Appa Rao took a few weeks off to calms tempers, he returned to campus earlier this week.

Students accused the authorities of shutting off supplies of electricity and water, and trying to starve them by closing down hostel messes. The authorities denied these charges: the lack of water was caused by miscreants damaging a pump, they said, while the messes stopped functioning after staff went on strike to protest students attacking their colleagues.

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On Friday morning, the tent was largely empty. This was because 27 students who participated in the protest at Appa Rao's residence on Tuesday are currently lodged in jail on 11 charges ranging from criminal intimidation to trespassing on private property.

A woman reading Ambedkar’s Annihilation of Caste next to Vemula’s picture told Scroll.in that even more students were “preparing themselves for jail”.

She was referring to a latest remand order that the police filed on Thursday that names another 26 people as accused on a complaint filed by university registrar M Sudhakar. These names come with the bracketed disclaimer that they are “yet to be arrested”. The list ends with the open-ended phrase “and others”, implying that it could be extended to include more students during the course of enquiry.

The registrar's complaint says that on Tuesday morning, “about 10 students…came to the lodge, jumped over the main gate, broke open the man door windows/door glass panes and entered the premises. They…ransacked the V-C’s lodge, damaged the TV, furniture, computers and laptops.”

Preparing for jail

Fifty metres away from the shopping complex are a set of shops that sell everything from groceries to tea. Here, Firdaus Soni, a student of sociology and one of those named in the latest list of the 26 accused, was finishing her tea while discussing plan of action for the day.

“Yes, I am an accused now,” she said. “What is the basis of making someone an accused anyway? The university seems to have supplied the police with a list of names of the students who were present there at the protest on Tuesday and those who are participating in the movement to fight for the rights of Dalits and minorities on campus.”

Soni pointed to the Hostel C building nearby where she introduced Scroll.in to many other co-accused who, she said, were waiting to be picked up by the police.

“Do we become criminals for simply voicing our concerns?” she asked as others nodded in unison. “We have to fight this battle till the end and all they want is to send us all to jail so that this movement fades away.”

Soni took Scroll.in to the visitors room at the hostel, where a few women were writing up complaints of the assaults and harassment from the police personnel who entered the campus on Tuesday.
 
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Vaikhari Aryat, a PhD student, was watching videos students recorded on their phones to identify the policeman she claims abused her for her complexion and made death threats.

She has been using her Facebook account to send out updates about the situation on campus and she said that her complaint will ensure that the “police can’t get away with their witch-hunt”.

She said that the students were angered by the fact that Appa Rao had resumed charge without any official intimation. “He’s accused of orchestrating this whole series of incidents which led to Vemula to suicide and he just walked in one day and resumed office like nothing happened,” she said. “I was targeted by a burly policeman who abused me for being dark skinned and made comments of the nature that I should be sent to Pakistan or be dead.”

Using the law to counter legal action

Aryat is not the only one who has resolved to fight the authorities. As of Friday afternoon, at least seven other students had framed complaints as the student Joint Action Committee held a press conference to announce that they were going on the offensive against the authorities.

A party of five lawyers had arrived from various offices of the Human Rights Law Network, a non-governmental organisation. Archana Rupwate, a lawyer from Mumbai who was overseeing the process, said that even lawyers weren’t being allowed to enter campus so they had to “sneak in”.

“The charges against these students are not serious except two which are non-bailable offences so we might be able to secure a bail for those in jail and an anticipatory bail for those who have just been named,” she said. She added that the legal process has been delayed because of back-to-back holidays due to Holi, Good Friday and the upcoming weekend.

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“I have heard so many testimonies of students who say they were beaten up with lathis and even blades by the police on campus but many are scared to come out and file cases,” she said. “We are trying to get as many students as possible to at least write what they went through because this will form a part of our defence in the court that the police went out of its way to beat up students.”

Meanwhile, the students’ union president Zuhail KP was loading packages of clothes in a SUV parked outside the university gate to be sent to the students in jail. A delegation of seven students went along with the car to Cherlapally central jail where the students have been lodged for three days now. Their bail plea for these students will come up in the court on Monday.

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Amid the hustle and bustle, a sociology student pulled out her mini-notebook and started scribbling a letter that she said she was going to send along with the clothes to her colleagues in jail.

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“I hope you are as aggressive and as angry as you have always been,” she wrote in the letter. “And if we get picked up we have to plan a protest demanding that we are all put together. Anyways, you should know that we are all safe. You also take care. Lots and lots of love.”

This student is also named as an accused on the recent list.

Hope and despair

By 2 pm, the shopping complex area saw some activity as students who had woken up late in their water-starved hostel rooms finally managed to get ready and assemble. Meanwhile, teams from human rights and Dalit rights organisations had arrived on the campus to investigate complaints against the authorities for denying students food and water for two days.

More lawyers from the Human Rights Law Network had managed to enter the campus and they discussed how to get anticipatory bail for the students. The students’ union president Zuhail, meanwhile, managed to find five minutes of peace and lied down under a tree to catch some rest before addressing a press conference.

“I am too tense to speak or do anything here,” he said. “There is a lot of support from the students and we all are working towards fulfilling our demands of VC’s resignation and an impartial enquiry into Vemula’s death. If the Bharatiya Janata Party government can exert influence on autonomous universities like ours in such a brazen manner than I don’t know what happens in states ruled by the BJP or universities directly under their control”

Zuhail also expressed surprise at being left out of the police report.

“I don’t know why they left me out,” he said. “I am happy that at least there will be someone here to lead and run the movement but there’s no guarantee that I won’t be named today or tomorrow or soon. Students are under pressure from their families to stay quiet or come home so the participation is getting affected but it will resume as soon as college reopens on Monday.”

Nabeel Shah, a member of the Joint Action Committee that represents 14 organisations, was in a similar situation. Shah was sitting by himself near the stage, lost in his own thoughts.

“Unfortunately they didn’t name me as an accused,” he said. Asked why he felt that this was unfortunate, he said that he couldn’t bear the thought of his friends being accused of something as serious while he was left there helpless since he’s been part of the movement of Day 1.

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“It will be good if they put more of us in jail, the number will get bigger and maybe then the media will notice us,” Shah said. He express his disappointment with the media coverage of the incident and said that Hyderabad University, unlike Jawaharlal Nehur University, had failed to capture public attention because the authorities had barred students and organisations on campus from expressing their support for the cause.

He said: “They have branded us as some renegades working against peace on campus.”

We welcome your comments at  letters@scroll.in.

Source: scrollin