Wednesday, May 31, 2023

View From Abroad | Did Western civilisation begin in India?

 opinion

When it comes to establishing the primacy of ancient India over the West, we have to rely on common sense as much as on historical documentation

Salvatore Babones | May 31, 2023 18:06:28 IST

 











Pillars of Ashoka

Like most people around the world, Indians tend to be proud of the ancient roots of their own civilisation. Sometimes they can take it a little too far, but always with a healthy spirit, and usually in good cheer.

Western experts generally look askance at Indian claims to have been the first to use an alphabetic script, to have been the original source of ancient Near Eastern philosophy, or even to have invented zero.

But these Western suspicions are based more on an absence of evidence than on any evidence of absence. Ancient Indians tended to write on palm leaves, whereas Mesopotamians wrote on clay tablets—baked in the sun and stored in the desert. It’s no wonder that we have overflowing archives of original Sumerian texts going back more than 5,000 years, but nothing more than 2,000 years old from India.

Even the Pillars of Ashoka are only half the age of some surviving shopping lists from Iraq.

And so when it comes to establishing the primacy of ancient India over the West, we have to rely on common sense as much as on historical documentation.

For example, many people know the ancient Greek story of the Trojan horse. Hundreds of Greek soldiers supposedly hid inside the belly of a giant fake horse. The gullible Trojans reportedly pulled the horse into the ancient city of Troy, thinking that the Greeks had left it for them as a parting gift after 10 years of war.

That night, the Greeks poured out of the horse to take the city by treachery, giving rise to the ancient maxim “beware of Greeks bearing gifts.”

Of course, the whole story is ridiculous. The Indian original makes much more sense: in Bhasa’s Pratijnayaugandharayana, it’s a few soldiers hiding in the belly of a fake elephant placed deep in the jungle. Yet Western scholars claim that the Indian version is derived from the Greek, because the Greek version was attested several centuries earlier than the India. Written documents are so scarce for ancient India that no one even knows when Bhasa lived.

Based on linguistic evidence, the Pratijnayaugandharayana is conventionally dated to around the first century BC or AD. No one knows for sure. Was the “Trojan elephant” element of the story a retelling of an earlier tale? No one knows at all. Everyone knows that ancient India had theatrical plays, but no one knows what they were.

Along similar lines, consider the Odyssey, the ancient Greek travel epic attributed to Homer in which the hero must gain his wife by drawing a great bow; it is clearly a dimly remembered Ramayana. The hero, Odysseus, spent ten years in exile; Rama, fourteen. Both visited the underworld.

Or the Iliad, Homer’s great war epic, in which the great hero Achilles withdraws from battle after losing his promised consort. His charioteer seeks out the advice of the wisest of the Greeks, who advises him that a soldier’s duty is to fight. Achilles is ultimately persuaded to rejoin the battle, not by his charioteer, but by the death of his charioteer.

The Indian original is, of course, the Mahabharata. In the Bhagavad Gita, it is the charioteer himself, Krishna, who gives the advice to the hero Arjuna. But otherwise the story is remarkably parallel, considering the miles and millennia of separation. In an otherwise inexplicable coincidence, Achilles is only vulnerable in one place: he is eventually brought down by an arrow to the heel.

If the story elements aren’t enough to show a common origin, the sentiments tell the same story. The Bhagavad Gita might just as well have been composed in pre-classical Greece as in ancient India. For example, in Chapter 6, Lord Krishna explains to Arjuna how a yogi should meditate, but then goes on to explain that:

But for earthly needs

Religion is not his who too much fasts

Or too much feasts, nor his who sleeps away

An idle mind; nor his who wears to waste

His strength in vigils. Nay, Arjuna! call

That the true piety which most removes

Earth-aches and ills, where one is moderate

In eating and in resting, and in sport;

Measured in wish and act; sleeping betimes,

Waking betimes for duty.

(Edwin Arnold translation, 1900)

No text could more eloquently express the ancient Greek maxim of “moderation in all things”.

Every educated person knows that before Muslim and Christian colonialism, Indic culture was present throughout Asia, from the Buddhism of Mongolia to the Hindu temples of Bali. What fewer people realize is that classical Greek religion, which is the ultimate source of European literature and philosophy, also had its origins, if not necessarily in India, in a source that was much closer to the living civilisation of India today than to any other civilization in the world.

The author is an associate professor at the University of Sydney and the author of the new study ‘Unholy Alliance: Inside the Activist Campaign to Pry India from the West’. He earned his MS (mathematical sciences) and PhD (sociology) from Johns Hopkins University. Views expressed are personal.

Source: https://www.firstpost.com/opinion/view-from-abroad-did-western-civilisation-begin-in-india-12673422.html

Wednesday, May 10, 2023

Why has women’s safety stopped having any political impact in the Modi age?


 

 

Published   8 May, 2023


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Wrestlers in protest against alleged sexual harassment by BJP MP, Brij Bhushan Singh | PTI

In January, some of India’s top wrestlers began a street protest in the capital, New Delhi, demanding that Brij Bhushan Singh, president of Wrestling Federation of India, be arrested on charges of sexual harassment.

The protesting wrestlers included some of the top names in the sport, including men and women who have won medals for India in the Olympics. On the other side was Singh, a powerful member of Parliament from Uttar Pradesh belonging to the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party.

In response, the Modi government used a tried and tested tactic to quell agitations: it appointed a committee. Frustrated with this delaying tactic, the wrestlers restarted their agitation in April. This had more success than the January agitation. On April 28, after the case had been heard in the Supreme Court, the Delhi Police relented and filed first information reports against the BJP MP. One of them was under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act given that Singh was accused of sexually harassing a minor.

Backing Singh

In spite of the severity of the allegations as well as the fact that the people making them were some of the most prominent Indian sportspeople alive today, the BJP has stuck by Singh. The Delhi Police, controlled by the Modi government, filed an FIR only after pressure from the Supreme Court. However, even then, it has not arrested Singh. In fact, Singh has released statements brazenly saying that he will not resign as president of the Wrestling Federation of India.

How is the BJP managing to resist the political pressures that such a grave incident could potentially put on the party?

Part of the answer lies in the unfortunate fact that women’s safety plays out in complex ways when it comes to voting. In spite of the fact that women make up half the electorate, by itself it is rare for women’s safety to feature as a major issue during elections. Instead, communitarian identity – caste and religion – usually dominate Indian elections along with economic factors such as inflation and welfare.

This cold political calculus probably explains why the BJP thinks that it might gain more by backing Singh than by supporting the sportspeople who allege they have been harassed. The wrestling chief started out life as a so-called bahubali or gangster and has been accused of working with terrorist Dawood Ibrahim. Later he built an impressive political network in Uttar Pradesh, with strong backing from his Rajput community.

Lack of impact

The fact of community identity trumping gender violence is true not only for the 2023 wrestler’s protest: it has been a longtime feature of Indian politics. The 2002 Gujarat riots, for example, saw mass sexual violence against women. However, this played out electorally along the lines of communal identity. The violence ensured a Hindu vote bank for the BJP, catapulting Modi to the status of a national figure. As part of this politics, the BJP-led Gujarat government last year released some criminals convicted of gangrape during the riots and the party felicitated them after they walked out of jail.

As if to illustrate this political phenomenon, on Sunday, in fact, one of the protesting wrestlers shared a message in support of the BJP’s Hindutva push in the Karnataka elections.

So strong is this communitarian superstructure in Indian politics that even the wrestler’s protest has used it. Khap panchayats of the powerful Jat caste from Haryana and Western Uttar Pradesh have backed the wrestlers, ensuring that the protests continue even in the face of strong pressure from the Delhi Police.

Apart from straight electoral calculation, the BJP is also helped by the fact that much of the Hindi- and English-language mass media in the country does not report critically on the Modi government. Part of this has to do with the government’s ability to use the legal framework to reign in recalcitrant media houses. In other cases, owners of media companies are friendly with the government. It is also a fact that members of the upper castes, who dominate the national media, tend to be strong supporters of the BJP



 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The 11 men convicted in the Bilkis Bano gangrape and mass murder case, being welcomed after they are released by the Gujarat government in 2022. Credit: PTI.

The UPA exception

This stands in stark contrast to the second term of the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance, where the issue of women’s safety actually did acquire the political prominence it deserves. The Manmohan Singh-led government was strongly attacked by the media in the wake of the horrific 2012 Delhi gangrape and murder. In contrast, in 2020, a gangrape in Hathras, Uttar Pradesh saw much more limited media outrage in spite of the fact that the BJP-led government actually moved to quell protests using draconian force by summarily burning the body of the victim.

In 2012, Delhi had seen large protests for women’s safety. In 2020, the Delhi Police used force to make sure no protests happen given that even a limited protest in the capital would generate TV images that could be beamed across the country and undermine the BJP’s political capital.

With strong media control and support from powerful upper castes, the BJP has ensured that the media is unable to repeat the strong watchdog role it played during the Congress years when it comes to women’s safety.

While media control is a strong factor that helps the BJP government control the political narrative, it is not impossible to overcome. In fact, sustained protests seem to be the one thing that can break it. Farmer protesters have successfully rolled back the farm laws while protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act seem to have led to the law being frozen. As a result, while Modi’s BJP has successfully prevented women’s safety from being an issue that could erode its political capital, a sustained protest by the wrestlers against allegations of sexual harassment by a BJP MP could, in theory, change that.

Source: https://indiafix.stck.me/post/82830/Why-has-womens-safety-stopped-having-any-political-impact-in-the-Modi-age