Showing posts with label The Daily Fix. Show all posts
Showing posts with label The Daily Fix. Show all posts

Friday, July 05, 2019

The Daily Fix: Where is the personal data protection law that Indians were promised?

The Aadhaar Amendments and the Economic Survey envision government monetising data by selling access to it. What about privacy? 

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Narinder Nanu/AFP

Rohan Venkataramakrishnan

There is a small portion in the Economic Survey, tabled in Parliament on Thursday, that reveals something quite important: In a chapter dedicated to treating data as a public good, meaning government would have the freedom to use it, the Survey says, “Even if not explicitly mentioned every time data is talked about in this chapter, it is assumed that the processing of data will be in compliance with accepted privacy norms and the upcoming privacy law, currently tabled in Parliament.”

Those italics are in the document itself, and this is the only portion of the body text that is highlighted. Why is this significant? Because the survey seems to believe that India has laid down some “accepted privacy norms” and that a privacy law has been tabled in Parliament. Unfortunately, these norms remain nebulous. Though the government told the Supreme Court years ago that it would pass the privacy law, more commonly referred to as the Personal Data Protection Bill, there is no sign of one.

The absence of such a law is important because the government is making strenuous efforts to do all sorts of things with the data of Indian citizens. Remember, it is the Bharatiya Janata Party-led government that argued in the Supreme Court that Indians have no fundamental right to privacy, a contention that was unanimously rejected by the judges.

Since then, the government has paid lip service to the idea of privacy, even as it doubled down on the idea of data as a “national resource” rather than individual property. This view has been put forward in a number of draft pieces of legislation over the last year and a half, all of which make the argument that the government ought to be the custodian of data – which can even be handed over to private organisations for monetisation.

Commercial use

On Thursday, for example, the Lok Sabha passed the Aadhaar Amendment Bill, which would permit the commercial use of Aadhaar, India’s biometric unique identification system, originally developed to be used only to deliver welfare benefits. The Supreme Court, in a 2018 judgment, had struck down the use of Aadhaar by commercial entities but left open the door for Parliament to pass a new law regulating this, all under the pernicious fiction that use of the biometric ID could be “voluntary”. 

The very same day, the Economic Survey chapter on data went even further. “Datasets may be sold to analytics agencies that process the data, generate insights, and sell the insights further to the corporate sector, which may in turn use these insights to predict demand, discover untapped markets or innovate new products.” In other words, the Survey envisions the government making money off information often mandatorily extracted from citizens, with the benefits of this going to corporations and with no question of whether this will be done with the consent of the individual. 

This is where the Personal Data Protection Bill comes in. A panel headed by Justice Srikrishna put forward a draft bill last year. Although many had questions, comments and criticisms of the draft, it laid out one approach for how Indians can lay claim to their own data, which is something that each one of us generates, unlike a resource like oil or coal that may just happen to lie on land belonging to a citizen. 

Yet there has been almost no discussion from the government itself about this law since then, though it has gone ahead in discussing things like the E-Commerce Bill, Cloud Computing regulations and so on. The Economic Survey, in a section that one can only surmise was tentative (and hence in italics), recognises the elephant in the room and tries to address it by saying that the privacy law is on its way. 

But this is untrue. The government has made no indication that it plans to bring the law anytime soon. Simply put, this should count as a violation of our fundamental rights. Before the government can think about starting a data war with the United States or trying to monetise datasets of citizens by handing them over to the private sector, it must pass a strong data protection law built on the idea that privacy is a fundamental right and consent belongs to the citizen. 

Also read:

Source: scrollin

Tuesday, May 22, 2018

The Daily Fix: Dalit lynched for refusing to clear trash is a reminder of Gujarat’s caste apartheid

Everything you need to know for the day (and a little more).

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21 hours ago

Shoaib Daniyal


The Big Story: Gujarat model?

In the run up to the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, of Gujarat was touted as an ideal state by its then chief minister Narendra Modi. Yet, as a number of commenters pointed out, Gujarat’s economic prosperity did little to help its people – the state’s social indicators ranged from middling to poor. This is hardly surprising given the vicious anti-Dalit prejudice present in the state.



On Sunday, this casteism was on naked display as a 40-year-old Dalit man, Mukesh Vaniya, was allegedly murdered in Rajkot district. Vaniya’s wife said that employees from a local factory asked them their caste and then when it was confirmed they were Dalits, wanted the couple to pick up garbage. When Vaniya and his wife refused, they were beaten. Vaniya was picked up, tied to a pole and assaulted brutally with metal rods for more than an hour. A video of the incident was also recorded. Vaniya died as a result of the assault.



The incident is a clear throwback to Una in 2016, where cow vigilantes had assaulted four Dalit men for skinning a cow. There too, Dalits complained that caste conventions dictated that they were often forced to pick up dead cows just like Rajkot saw the Dalit couple being forced to pick up garbage.

These are not isolated incidents. In 2010, Navsarjan, a nongovernmental organisation that has done extensive work amongst Gujarat’s Dalits, published a study noting that untouchability was widely practiced in Gujarat. Amongst 98.4% of the village surveyed, inter-caste marriages were barred. In 97.6% of villages, a Dalit touching a caste Hindu’s utensils or water pot was seen as a form of pollution. In 98% of villages, tea was either not served to Dalits or served in cups reserved specially for Dalits. Religious segregation was near-complete too: in 97% of the villages, Dalits were barred from touching articles used in religious rituals. Segregation is near total, from schools, wells to temples, as is violence against Dalits. It is clear that Article 17 of the Indian Constitution, outlawing untouchability, is a dead letter in the state of Gujarat.

This dire situation has been, for the large part, encouraged by the state’s political leadership. The government, for example, has been dragging its feet in implementing land reforms – carried out decades earlier by most other states in India. In February earlier this year, a Dalit activist, Bhanubhai Vankar set himself on fire to protest the state government’s apathy on the matter. In fact, far from implementing land reforms, the state’s BJP government has made it easier for rich farmers and industry to dispossess small holding farmers by relaxing earlier safeguards under the land revenue code.

Simultaneously, the Gujarat government has made efforts to shoot the messenger, stifling voices that speak on behalf of Dalits. Navsarjan, the state’s most credible body on Dalit issues was accused of trying to “malign Gujarat’s image” by a state minister. Even more seriously, in 2017, the Modi government cancelled the NGO’s foreign funding, forcing it to let go nearly its entire staff and putting in peril its activities in more than 3,000 villages across Gujarat.

Unlike states like Uttar Pradesh, Dalit have little political clout in Gujarat. Combine this with an actively hostile stance from the state government results in Gujarat’s Dalits leading a precarious existence, subject to apartheid and brutal violence on a regular basis.

 

The Big Scroll

  • In Gujarat, it took a tragedy for two Dalits to get their land titles. Many more are still waiting, reports Aarefa Johari.
  • “He will bring us justice”: Dalits in Gujarat pin their hopes on Jignesh Mevani’s big win.
  • With its foreign funding cancelled, can Gujarat’s oldest Dalit NGO, Navsarjan,survive?
  • “Your mother, you take care of it”: Shoaib Daniyal on the Dalits behind Gujarat’s stirring cow carcass protests

Punditry

  • Activism in its true sense:  In Bloomberg-Quint, Alok Prasanna Kumar writes about Justice Chelameswar’s Legacy.
  • What’s beyond Bengaluru: In the Economic Times, Narendra Pani outlines the reason behind Siddaramaih’s failure in Karnataka
  • In Mint, Kunal Singh writes on the strategic stalemate in South Asia: while Pakistan hasn’t been able to fulfil its grand strategy objectives with the help of its nuclear weapons, India hasn’t found an adequate answer to Pakistan’s skilful use of sub-conventional assets
 

Giggle





Don’t Miss

Ipsita Chakravarty reports on how Kashmiri women see themselves in a separatist movement dominated by men:

Women’s protests are not new in Kashmir. “People have forgotten the 1990s,” said Hameeda Nayeem, who teaches English at Kashmir University and is married to separatist leader Nayeem Khan. She recalled how men and women marched in large numbers to the United Nations building to demand a plebiscite, for instance. 

But many agree that women have now become more confrontational with the state. Recent images of college girls pelting stones on security forces and being detained for taking part in protests raise some old questions again. Where do women see themselves in a separatist movement whose protagonists have always been men, which has largely been defined by men? Where do women’s individual freedoms figure in the idea of azadi?

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Source: scrollin