శ్రీ కౌముది ఏప్రిల్ 2015

శ్రీ కౌముది మార్చ్ 2015

Caste determines spending on food, choice of work: NSSO

Rukmini S.



How much and what people eat and what work they do differs significantly by caste, new data from the National Sample Survey Office show. However, these differences are likely to be correlated, rather than caused by caste.

The NSSO released two new reports this week: one on household consumption expenditure by a social group and the other on employment and unemployment by a social group. The data show that while food takes up a larger share of the total expenditure of Scheduled Tribes (ST) and Scheduled Castes (SC) households, compared with those if Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and “others,” the food items that the different social groups spend on, changes with caste. Higher castes spend significantly more on milk and milk products. But spending on cereals and eggs and meat does not change significantly by caste in absolute terms. Among non-food items, higher castes ramp up their spending on education and rent, the data show.

While in general SC and ST households spend substantially less than OBC and upper caste ones, substantial regional differences exist, the numbers show. The total consumption expenditure of a rural SC household in Tamil Nadu is more than that of an upper caste household in rural Bihar, while that of a rural SC household in Kerala is almost as much as that of an upper caste rural household in Gujarat.

SC households are most likely to be engaged in casual labour in rural areas, but in regular wage jobs in urban areas, the data show, while OBC and upper caste households are more likely to be self-employed or in salaried jobs.

While the new data do not have information on wages, earlier research by Sukhadeo Thorat, Chairperson of the Indian Council of Social Science Research, had shown that even among casual labour, SCs have lower wages. “This should be seen as correlation rather than causation,” a senior NSSO official explained of the new data, asking not to be named.

“SC and ST households are among India’s poorest, and both the occupational profile and consumption patterns should be seen as a function of poverty,” the official added.

Source: thehindu

‘Babri demolition and Clean Ganga mission share an ideological thread’

Bageshree S.

‘Science too has become a target now’

Demolition of the Babri Masjid and the Clean Ganga Mission share a common ideological thread, even though the latter is subtle and therefore easily accepted by people, argued S. Settar, eminent historian and the former chairperson of the Indian Council for Historical Research (ICHR).

Speaking at a national seminar here on Saturday organised by the All India Save Education Committee, he said: “All animals, all books and all rivers are sacred. Why make any distinction?” The subtle ideological campaign of cleaning Ganga, he said, is more dangerous than the blatant bringing down of a monument.

He regretted that cow today has become “more important than a human being” and yajna is being projected as an environment-cleansing act. Such “absurdities”, he said, were being propagated by people worried about knowledge becoming accessible to all and the power over it slipping out of their hands. The Indian way has always been “to possess and protect knowledge, but not to part with it,” said Prof. Settar.

With a “committed rightist” at the helm of ICHR now, whose area of study was the Mahabharata , one can expect “Kurukshetra for the next few years,” said Prof. Settar.

He said that while history has always been the target, science too had become a target now, with highly regarded scientific platforms making space for “absurd arguments”.

Satyajit Mayor, Director at the National Centre for Biological Sciences, said that making claims about scientific advances in ancient India is easy and leads to an “ignorant happiness” that we had everything in the past. However, “such chauvinism is completely irrelevant” in the realm of scientific reasoning, he added.

Source: thehindu

An open letter from a mother after ban on Nirbhaya documentary

TIME TO WAKE UP! Our justice system is so quick to ban but so busy when it comes to passing judgement.

New Delhi | Updated: March 7, 2015 7:52 pm   

By Jyotsana Mohan Bhargava

To whomsoever it may concern,

So you banned the documentary. I hope you saw it before. And in your role as sole arbiter of what we should and shouldn’t see, read, wear or eat, you’ve decided banning the documentary will help us in some arbitrary manner. But can you help us get rid of our sense of helplessness, our sense of frustration? And more than that, our feeling of utter and complete sadness?

I cried watching her parents speak. With dignity in their voice and pain in their eyes, only the heartless listening to them can remain unmoved. They sold their land, they lost their daughter in a way no one ever should and the Home Minister says he is upset about the film!

There are claims that the rapist has been glorified, that he has been given a platform. Is that all you see? Do you not hear the dark thoughts, do you not shudder when he says, without remorse that the girl deserved it and that future rapists will just kill? Or worse, if that’s possible, when his lawyer says he will set his daughter on fire if she were to step out like this? Ban the film, but what will you do about this mentality? Is this the legacy my country has for my daughters?

There was a time when I drove to work at 3.30 in the morning for my shift. I now look back and think – was I crazy? Being brave in Delhi is actually being stupid and if things remain the way they are, my kids will miss out on many college experiences because I won’t let them ever get on a DTC bus. Many young girls of course will have no choice.

Then of course there is this argument about women and their clothes. I recently shifted to the UAE. Not buzzing Dubai, but laid back Abu Dhabi. I expected it to be…I guess, conservative. But what a change! From abayas to shorts, women dress in what they want and happily walk the streets even as late as midnight. In Delhi my kids don’t even go to the park, which is just five steps across my house (at night). Here in Abu Dhabi there is no fear, because there is fear of law. Because justice is delivered swiftly. I have been here almost a year and in all this time there has been one major incident – and the reason it shocked the city was because nothing remotely similar had ever happened. A woman, some say with links to the jihadis, stabbed an American teacher. The culprit, who was covered from head to toe, was picked up within forty eight hours and has already been charged with the death penalty.

So my girls go and play outside but sadly I am from Delhi which means I need to keep checking on them. I have no answer when my elder daughter asks – “why do you keep coming…” even though this is a city where you can leave your wallet in an unlocked car with its windows rolled down.

The Delhi Police wanted the film restrained because it would apparently create fear. Really? Half the fear in this city is because we can’t really trust our own police. Have you ever been to a local police station? I have. Sniggering men with an air of such importance that I think our misplaced VIP culture begins right from here. It took me ten months to get a passport verification for my domestic help. I was made to call one police station after another; each policeman who answered too busy to help. So then, can you imagine the plight of a poor family that goes to report a rape at one of these police stations? I sometimes think that Indians don’t help others in distress on the road because they don’t want to get involved in a situation which they probably think will get messy. Harassment comes in different forms.

We are flawed on so many fronts that ‘it takes a village…’ may also not be enough. Our justice system is so quick to ban but so busy when it comes to passing judgement. Perhaps that’s why sections of the media and society are so quick to pass judgement. Some say no to the death penalty because it serves no purpose. It probably doesn’t if each punishment is ten years apart and loses all impact. But our justice system will take the time that it will; and nobody can question it. There are very few like Neelam Katara who have the forbearance to carry on and on. Our system can break even the strongest.

Then there are those like Meenakshi Lekhi who are more worried about how this film will portray India in a bad light, that we will lose out on tourism. May I please just tell the respected politician that our reputation is already smeared. Expats here tell me how they would love to visit India but have heard such horror stories that they would rather just go somewhere else. Once when I was travelling to Spain, I was told to watch out for people trying to steal wallets. I actually laughed. If you are an Indian, then that’s just a cakewalk to deal with. Banning a film will not take away the truth that Delhi is not just our political capital, it is also our rape capital.

So then here’s what we have learnt. Let’s bury our heads in the sand, look the other way, but let’s just never look in the mirror.

I grew up playing out in the sun and cycling with friends. My kids stay at home unless I can take them for some after-school lessons. I quit my job so I could let them have some fun. I have only female help in my house because it is always better to be safe than sorry. They are young right now but one day when my girls question me and want more, what will I tell them?

That their country failed them.

The views expressed by the author are personal. The article was first published in the blog Jo’s World. Log on to http://jomohan.wordpress.com/ for more articles by the author

Source: indianexpress

No Proof Required: So why not ban the RSS?

Narendra Modi in Rajya Sabha on Tuesday. (PTI)

Written by Surjit S Bhalla | Published on:March 6, 2015 12:00 am   

The Narendra Modi government has lived up to its promise of being the best formation to set the economy right. Even the RBI has applauded the economic thrust of the Union budget by cutting the repo rate by 25 basis points. But on several social issues, the government has faltered and, according to several experts, this was one of the major reasons why the BJP got thrashed in the Delhi elections.

However, on one important social issue -- women’s empowerment -- Modi’s record has been outstanding. His appointment of several women in the cabinet has been noteworthy, though one can, and one should, complain about the incompetence of some of these ministers -- just as one should complain about the incompetence of some of the male ministers. Most remarkable, however, was Modi’s frank assessment of India’s record in killing unborn girls. In his Independence Day speech, Modi announced to India, and the whole world, our shameful record on female foeticide, and our shocking discrimination against women. His goal was to revolutionise and change the feudal mindset of the Indian public, and especially that of the Indian male.

Given this background, it has been nothing short of pathetic to watch BJP spokespersons writhe and contort under the yoke of defending the indefensible. The BBC made a documentary on the Delhi gang-rape of 2012 -- the rape that shocked the world in its brutality. The BBC received permission from all the authorities involved to film an interviews with one of the rapists. The documentary is about the sick mentality prevalent among males in all societies. From one’s understanding (along with the BJP Ban Brigade, I haven’t yet seen the film), the documentary is an honest look at the mind and mindset of one of the convicted rapists of the young woman -- Mukesh. How can anyone, least of all a responsible government, object to the screening of the interviews?

Once Home Minister Rajnath Singh made the decision to ban the film, the BJP posted its women leaders (Shaina N.C. and Meenakshi Lekhi) to defend the urge to ban. Curious -- just asking -- did the BJP think that their male representatives were incompetent to advocate and defend the ban on a movie about rape? However, it is highly unlikely that the men could have done worse. Here are the arguments presented by the BJP’s women leaders defending the ban.

Shaina NC: “We should respect the wishes of the parents of the rape victim.” If she had got her facts right, she would have known that both parents of the victim were strenuously arguing for the documentary to be shown. Indeed in an “illegal” (?) peek at the documentary shown last night by the BBC, the very first acknowledgement is to the victim’s parents.

Meenakshi Lekhi: She thankfully avoided the error of “parents will be upset”, but fell into several other traps, many of her own making. For example, she argued that all that the BJP was doing was conveying the “sense” of Parliament. Even though Parliament might have shouted approval of the ban, Lekhi should have reminded herself, and viewers, that Parliament is not above making mistakes -- unless the BJP now thinks that the Emergency was all right because it was approved by Parliament.

graphic-ban Illustration by CR Sasikumar

But Lekhi dug herself deeper into the mess of illogical and factual errors -- mistakes first made by Rajnath Singh. She claimed that the filmmakers had violated the law by filming without permission -- they hadn’t. She claimed they had not shown the uncut film to the Tihar jail authorities -- they had. And, somewhat shockingly, she argued that the screening of the film would affect tourism and should therefore be banned. Some might legitimately argue that the RSS’s thinking affects tourism -- so should the RSS be banned?

The simple conclusion is that the BJP jumped into the ban advocacy without looking at either the facts or, more importantly, the merits of the case. There are three major things wrong with this ban. First, if you are concerned about male violence against women, as you should be, you should make sure the film is shown, regardless of legal technicalities. (If the government still wants to ban the film, it should re-read Modi’s Independence Day speech.) Second, it is legally wrong to oppose the screening of the film after giving it legal approval and after the documentary-makers have fulfilled all legal commitments. Third, in this day and age, by arguing for a ban on a film that can easily be shown and seen on YouTube (even if you try to police that space), you are revealing to the world that you just don’t get it. Worse, you are stating, in a very public fashion, that you care more about false and fake national honour than the wellbeing and respect of women. H ow difficult is it to understand or appreciate that respect for women in all dimensions (reduction of foeticide, rape, domestic violence, etc) will do much more to preserve and elevate national honour than crude attempts to ban the screening of an unfortunate reality?

Unfortunately, and this is worrisome, the instinctive urge to ban (rather than think) is most prevalent in the newly BJP minted state of Maharashtra. This state has a young chief minister from whose youth we expected some modernity, if not progressivity, not the kind of regressive policies followed by Devendra Fadnavis’s government in banning of comedy shows and extending the existing ban on cow slaughter to the slaughter of bulls as well. What is it with young chief ministers in India, regardless of political persuasion, that they are so backward — for example, Akhilesh Yadav, Fadnavis and Arvind Kejriwal? Oof, bring back the old, ring out the new.

Regarding the extension of the cow slaughter ban to bulls (male cows), can someone please explain to me why cow slaughter is banned, but not the slaughter of buffaloes? Both give milk and, in that sense, both are “holy” or mother-like. Is there an implicit “racist” bias here, given that the buffaloes are mostly black and cows mostly white? Or is it the case that the cow is socialist and therefore fits in with the Preamble of our modified Constitution, and the buffalo is part of a capitalist disorder?

There is a larger disease at work in India -- it is the urge to ban anything that the “powerful” do not like. It is wrong to ban the screening of India’s Daughter, just as it is wrong to ban cow slaughter. And just as equally wrong to ban extremist political organisations like the RSS, unless they violate the law.

Bhalla is chairman of Oxus Investments, an emerging market advisory firm, and a senior advisor to Zyfin, a leading financial information company. Heis co-author, with Ankur Choudhary, of the book ‘Criconomics: Everything you wanted to know about ODI cricket and More’

Source: indianexpress

I'm Kejriwal's baap, just that my home turf is not Delhi: Bacchu Kadu, independent MLA from Amravati

From dumping snakes in government offices to climbing atop a water tank in Sholay style to shake up authorities. A brash style of functioning separates Bacchu Kadu, independent MLA from Achalpur (Amravati), from others of his ilk.

From dumping snakes in government offices to climbing atop a water tank in Sholay style to shake up authorities. A brash style of functioning separates Bacchu Kadu, independent MLA from Achalpur (Amravati), from others of his ilk. A votary of equality of the disabled, the 44-year-old had organised a blood donation camp at St George's Hospital on February 20 where 600 physically challenged people turned up. Kanchan Srivastava spoke to Kadu in a medical van after he donated blood for the 83rd time. Edited excerpts:

You are a lawmaker, but you often take the law in your own hands. Why?

I can't keep quiet when I see that government officials are harassing the common man. To teach them a lesson, it is necessary to break the law at times. It attracts attention of everyone and they are forced to do their job.

Do you want to become Arvind Kejriwal of Achalpur?

I am Kejriwal's baap (much above him), for I am holding constructive movements for past two decades such as conducting blood donation drives of disabled people. I don't believe in wasting people's time and energy by holding road shows. I am not so popular because I don't live in Delhi where even a small work is noticed.

So, who is your inspiration?

I derive a little bit of inspiration from Anil Kapoor-starrer Nayak. My funda is – first Gandhigiri or else, Bhagat Singh.

You exchanged the Indian flag with your wife during your wedding and instead holding a feast, you gifted tricycles to disabled people. Was this a publicity stunt?

I and my wife just wanted to show respect to the nation. As regards the feast, I was part of Zilla Panchayat then and had requested district officials to provide 100 tricycles to the needy. After eight months of following up, I could get just one which left me disheartened. I thought why waste money on feeding guests who were not hungry. Instead, we helped the needy.

You are currently holding an agitation. Why?

Since years, I have been fighting for the rights of people with disabilities, but the government has nothing. Our demands include compulsory spending of 3% funds in civic bodies, speedy issuance of disability certificates, hike in disability support pension, filling up vacancies for them, expansion of housing scheme for APL disabled. We want government to set-up a separate commissionerate for differently abled people under social justice department.

Have you got any assurance from the government?

The social justice minister has assured us that all our demands would be met in three months. If that happens, we will collect blood equivalent to the CM's weight and treat ministers with laddoos. If not, we'll hold blood donation drives in front of their bungalows.

Why don't you join BJP or Shiv Sena?
My organization Prahar has helped over 20,000 people avail medical treatment and 25,000 people get their caste certificate. There is a lot need to be done in my constituency, especially for farmers and on education and health front. I don't think that I am doing any less compared to MLAs of Sena or BJP. Moreover, I don't want to lose my independence by joining any political party.

Source: dnaindia

Why did Winston Churchill call Gandhi a fakir?

This painting by artist Jacob Kramer was made when Gandhiji was at the Second Round Table Conference in 1931.

It now appears that Winston Churchill's "seditious fakir" comment during his wilderness years is linked to an occasion when Mahatma Gandhi posed for portraits at Kingsley Hall in London.

The painting, by Ukrainian-born artist Jacob Kramer who spent all his working life in England, was made when Gandhi was at the Second Round Table Conference in 1931.

During the London visit, Gandhi had invited Kramer to capture his likeness for posterity. The image, made with black and white chalk on buff paper, shows the icon of peaceful protests smiling mischievously, seemingly aware that he had the British Establishment on the run.

In London from September 12 to December 5, 1931, Gandhi stayed at Kingsley Hall and used an office at 88 Knightsbridge during this visit. Here, according to the Mahatma's grandson Gopal Gandhi, a day was allotted to artists and Kramer is said to have made three or four drawings of the Mahatma.

His impressions were published in the Yorkshire Post on January 31, 1948, after Gandhi's death: "I was with him from 10.30 am until 6 pm. It was one of his silent days and neither of us spoke a word. But one did not need to speak to Gandhi to be aware of his personality. A shrivelled little man though he was, he filled that room with an extraordinary spiritual force. He was the most impressive subject I have ever had." Gandhi had vowed to spend every Monday in silence.

Shockingly, around the same time, the United Kingdom's future prime minister Winston Churchill (1940-1945 and 1951-1955) unflatteringly described Gandhi thus: "It is alarming and also nauseating to see Mr Gandhi, a seditious middle temple lawyer, now posing as a fakir of a type well known in the east, striding half-naked up the steps of the viceregal palace, while he is still organising and conducting a defiant campaign of civil disobedience, to parley on equal terms with the representative of the kingemperor."

Significantly, the Council for the Encouragement of Music and the Arts, the predecessor of the Arts Council, had exhibited this portrait during World War II in 1942-43.

A neighbour of Tony and Cherie Blair in Connaught Street, London, and art gallery owner Indar Pasricha recognised Gandhi's signature on this portrait after he found the Mahatma's name misspelled in an auction catalogue in South Kensington. The auction house had not indicated that Gandhi had signed the portrait and Pasricha managed to buy it for a fairly modest few thousand pounds.

Speaking about his latest find, Pasricha said: "I do hope that this remarkable work goes back to India where ideally it should find a home in the Prime Minister's Office as Narendra Modi has been greatly inspired by Gandhiji." He added: "The drawing shows Gandhiji laughing who, like the current Dalai Lama, was always smiling."

Source: indiatoday

శ్రీ కౌముది ఫిబ్రవరి 2015

Hindu Mahasabha's Valentine's Day threat is so lovely, couples must avail it

Hindu Mahasabha will force couples to marry on Valentine's Day. Couples who can't because their families don't agree, go ahead, get married and blame it on them.

Kamlesh Singh @kamleshksingh

There is good news and bad news. Since the Bajrang Dal is busy with its national meet scheduled on February 15, the onus of the Valentine's Day vandalism has shifted to the shaky shoulders of the Hindu Mahasabha. This Mahasabha has a national president who goes by the name of Chandra Prakash Kaushik. He wants all 365 days to be like Valentine's Day, but doesn't want a Valentine's Day. "India is a country where all 365 days are days for love, why then must couples observe only February 14 as Valentine's Day?" he told The Times of India, the newspaper that discovered him. "We are not against love; but if a couple is in love, then they must get married," he added. Welcome back to Licence Raj.

The Mahasabha has said that people caught celebrating the festival of love will invite the opposite of love, hatred and punishment. If the lovers turn out to be Hindus, they will be married off in a swift ceremony. If the boy holding hands turns out to be a Muslim, he will be purified into a Hindu before the on-the-spot Arya Samaj wedding ceremony. If the lovers turn out to be homosexuals, the Mahasabha would not know. Great success! They will be busy scouring cafes, restaurants and malls to spot people walking hand-in-hand, couples sitting in corners and anyone carrying a rose. This comprehensive list may or may not include public parks and parked cars.

The good news is that we have not seen much action from the Mahasabha men in the past. The bad news is that we may see them turning their words into deeds. In a country where it takes six people to enforce a highway hold up, Mahasabha's five or so members can enforce their anti-love campaign. Take this threat seriously. Since you also know how our policemen and our governments fear the rage-boys; the onus of our personal safety lies entirely on us.

But the best news is for the thousands of girls and boys who fall in love but cannot marry because their families wouldn't approve of the relationship. They sacrifice their love at the family's altar. This is a golden opportunity for them. Just walk hand in hand, ensure the rose is visible, then walk into a restaurant, take the corner table and wait for the loonies. Get through the short and sweet Arya Samaj wedding ceremony, and you are man and wife. To interfaith people, do not despair. This shuddhikaran is just a little ceremony. And boy, if you happen to be a Muslim, believe you are Shahrukh Khan, and this is a film where you play Rahul. Go through the motions. And emerge a winner. And if the boy is a Hindu and the girl happens to be a Muslim, remember all religions treat women so badly that women in fact have no religion at all. And it doesn't matter how you get married. All that matters is love.

And if you are a law enforcement officer, hang your head in shame that the Mahasabha boys don't believe that you have a spine, and hence take the law in their hands. If you are the government, Happy Valentine's Day to you too, sir, for we love you unconditionally, knowing that you cannot protect our lives and loves. If you can, then prove it. On the day of love.

Source: dailyo

Gita, Gandhi and Godse

Varghese K. George

Both Nathuram Godse and Mahatma Gandhi read the Bhagavad Gita but one became a martyr and the other a murderer
 

GRIM REMINDER: “January 30, the day Nathuram Godse killed Mahatma Gandhi, is the starkest reminder in the history of humankind of how the same text can be read differently.” Picture shows Mahatma Gandhi’s funeral procession in in 1948.

January 30 reminds us of the fact that even the holiest of texts can have subjective and differential meanings.

The sacred Indian verses of Shrimad Bhagavad Gita has been in the news for various reasons in recent months. Prime Minister Narendra Modi presented a copy of the Bhagavad Gita to United States President Barack Obama when he visited the White House last year and one to Emperor Akihito of Japan. He has declared that the Gita would be the gift that he would carry for all world leaders. More controversially, Union Minister Sushma Swaraj advocated that the Gita may be declared the national book of India. Most recently, the BJP government in Haryana declared its intention to teach the Gita as part of the school curriculum.

To say that religion and politics should not be mixed has not only become a cliché, but may be missing the point altogether. Many tall leaders found the reason for their political action in their religious faith. Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr are examples. President Obama mentioned in his town hall speech in Delhi last week that his faith strengthened him in his life. It is also true that many kings and emperors of the past used religious faith to justify killings and destruction.

Martyr and murderer

Many individuals and organisations advocate and indulge in violence today, and justify it on the basis of religious texts. January 30, the day Nathuram Godse killed Mahatma Gandhi, is the starkest reminder in the history of humankind of how the same text can be read differently. Both read the Bhagavad Gita. One became Gandhi. The other became Godse. One became a martyr. The other became a murderer. Jawaharlal Nehru, for whom the Gita was “a poem of crisis, of political and social crisis and, even more so, of crisis in the spirit of man,” wrote in the Discovery of India: “... the leaders of thought and action of the present day — Tilak, Aurobindo Ghose, Gandhi — have written on it, each giving his own interpretation. Gandhiji bases his firm belief in non-violence on it; others justify violence and warfare for a righteous cause ...”

What is curious is the fact that the two opposite interpretations of the Gita that Nehru refers to were responses to the same shared reality that their respective proponents encountered —  colonialism and Christianity. Two strikingly different responses emerge to the same situation. The divergence is evident from the debate between Gandhi and Bal Gangadhar Tilak. In 1920, Tilak wrote to Gandhi: “Politics is the game of worldly people and not of Sadhus, and instead of the maxim, ‘overcome anger by loving kindness, evil by good,’ as preached by Buddha, I prefer to rely on the maxim of Shri Krishna, ‘In whatsoever way any come to me, in that same way I grant them favour.’ That explains the whole difference.” Gandhi replied: “For me there is no conflict between the two texts quoted by the Lokamanya. The Buddhist text lays down an eternal principle. The text from the Bhagavad Gita shows to me how the eternal principle of conquering hate by love, untruth by truth can and must be applied.”

For Tilak, the Gita was a call for action, political and religious. He declared that the Gita sanctioned violence for unselfish and benevolent reasons. While Tilak’s interpretation of the Gita that he wrote while in prison inspired a generation of warriors against British colonialism, it also informed Hindutva politics. Godse used similar arguments to justify the killing of the Mahatma, and quoted from the book during his trial. For Gandhi, the Gita and all religious texts were not excuses for exclusion and bigotry, but inspiration for compassion and confluence. In The Bhagavad Gita According to Gandhi — incidentally, the book that Mr. Modi gifted Mr. Obama — the Father of the Nation wrote: “But there is nothing exclusive about the Gita which should make it a gospel only for the Brahmana or the Hindu. Having all the light and colour of the Indian atmosphere, it naturally must have the greatest fascination for the Hindu, but the central teaching should not have any the less appeal for a non-Hindu as the central teaching of the Bible or the Koran should not have any less appeal for a non-Christian or a non-Muslim.”

Challenged by Christian missionaries, Gandhi learned more about his own religion, but more importantly, he imbibed Christian values rather than rejecting them. “Gandhi integrated several aspects of Christianity in this brand of increasingly redefined Hinduism, particularly the idea of suffering love as exemplified in the image of crucifixion. The image haunted him all his life and became the source of some of his deepest passions. He wept before it when he visited Vatican in Rome in 1931; the bare walls of his Sevagram ashram made an exception in favour of it; Isaac Watts’s ‘When I behold the wondrous Cross,’ which offers a moving portrayal of Christ’s sorrow and sacrifice and ends with ‘love so amazing, so divine, demands my soul, my life, my all,’ was one of his favourite hymns...” Bhikhu Parekh writes. Gandhi was accused of being a ‘closet Christian’ and ridiculed as ‘Mohammad Gandhi’ by Hindu radicals.

Support for Godse’s reading

Godse’s reading of the Gita appears to gather more supporters in contemporary India. BJP MP Sakshi Maharaj knew what he was talking about when he praised Godse. Several individuals and organisations have become active in propagating the ideas of Godse. There is also a move to build a temple for him.

After gifting the Gita to the Japanese emperor, Mr. Modi wondered whether his act would irk secularists. The greatest of Indian secularists, Nehru, had this to say: “During the 2,500 years since it was written, Indian humanity has gone repeatedly through the processes of change and development and decay; but it has always found something living in the Gita...The message of the Gita is not sectarian or addressed to any particular school of thought. It is universal in its approach for everyone… ‘All paths lead to Me,’ it says.”

But then, it is all about reading it like Gandhi.

varghese.g@thehindu.co.in

Source: The Hindu   

Legal experts say debating Preamble pointless, needless

Written by Utkarsh Anand , Seema Chishti | New Delhi | Posted: January 30, 2015 1:22 am | Updated: January 30, 2015 2:27 am   

A day after Telecom Minister Ravi Shankar Prasad said there was “no harm” in debating whether the Preamble should have the words ‘secular’ and ‘socialist’, legal luminaries said that given the might of the Constitution and assertive judicial pronouncements, such a debate was “redundant” and “unnecessary”.

“What debate (is to be done)? Article 25 uses the word ‘secular’, and it was always there. The entire Constitution is premised on the idea of equality irrespective of religion, caste, creed or sex… That is secular, and the Constitution guarantees it,” former Chief Justice of India V N Khare told The Indian Express.

“Our Constitution itself is secular, with or without these words in its Preamble, and every Indian is fundamentally equal,” Justice Khare said.

Former Supreme Court Justice K T Thomas said the secular nature of the Constitution no longer required deliberation or debate.
“The secular nature of the Constitution has been well settled in many judgments of the Supreme Court, which has declared the Constitution itself as secular. It doesn’t make a difference whether the words (secular and socialist) were added during the Emergency or not.”

Justice Thomas, however, added that now that the words have been added, “they should remain there”.

Former Attorney General Soli Sorabjee said: “What is the point of arguing all this now? The Preamble only reflects what our Constitution says, and the Constitution lays down equality in every sense of the word for all Indians.”

The “Constitution itself is secular”, and a debate is “totally unnecessary”, Sorabjee said.

Retired Justice Rajindar Sachar, who headed the panel that studied the socio-economic and educational status of Indian Muslims, had stronger words.

“Any attempt to tinker with the Preamble is utterly illegal and grossly unconstitutional,” he said. “It warrants a more stern censure since the idea has come from those who have taken the oath of the same Constitution. It is in breach of that oath… The Prime Minister must issue a statement on behalf of his Cabinet that… the Preamble will not be touched.”

Senior advocate Raju Ramachandran said the two words added by the 42nd Amendment only made explicit what was already part of the original Preamble.

“The Constitution guarantees justice: social, economic and political; liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship; equality of status and opportunity, and fraternity. These concepts are surely a part of the basic structure, which, under the law of the land, cannot be done away with. So the principles of secularism and socialism is intrinsic to Constitutional principles,” Ramachandran said.

Source: The Indian Express

Ghar wapsi: Why the Hindus will never be a minority in India

Only the lower caste have reasons to convert in this country.

POLITICS   |   4-minute read |   19-01-2015

Sohail Hashmi @Dilliwal

There has been a lot of noise on the issue of conversion, the pitch is constantly rising and the gullible are increasingly being told that there is an international conspiracy to reduce the Hindus to a minority in the land of their birth. The ratcheting up of the rhetoric has assumed shriller tones since Nepal, the one country that used to describe itself as a Hindu state decided to drop the sobriquet and chose to declare itself a "secular state". The only people in Nepal who want to go back to being described as a Hindu state are the monarchists and that says something about the relevance of the idea of a denominational state in the 21st century.

All kinds of "histories", in fact more hysterical fulminations than the result of any serious enquiry, are put forward and claims made that Hindus have been enslaved and converted forcefully for a thousand years.

The entire thesis of slavery of the Hindus at the hands of Muslims is a fallacy, primarily because those propounding this thesis have not the foggiest idea of what precisely slavery is and when they club this so-called slavery in the "Muslim period" with the "enslavement of the Hindu nation" by the British, they place under public scrutiny their utter and absolute ignorance of what imperialism is and how it operates.

Aside from their complete unfamiliarity with historical processes and with the various stages in the evolution of societies, these worthies, who also claim to have taught the decimal system to the world, expose themselves further to ridicule by not addressing a question of elementary arithmetic, they have never tried to explain why after 1,000 years of forcible conversion, Hindus continue to be 85 per cent of the country's population. Either those engaged in forcible conversion were extremely inefficient that they managed to convert only about 15 per cent of the population in a project lasting ten centuries, or the entire thesis is based primarily on make believe assumptions.

This constant noise about conversion and the creation of this frenzy of insecurity and of a psychosis of fear, of being reduced to a minority is, in fact, a clever attempt to prevent people from asking the one basic question that the noise makers have no answer for and the question is "But why do only Hindus convert".

The entire discourse on forcible conversion has been developed in order to prevent people from asking this one question. An honest answer to this question will shake the vey edifice upon which rests the Chaturvarnashram or the caste system.

Almost 2,500 years ago, two Kshatriya princes began needling the Brahmanic order, asking questions that triggered the first exodus from the order. This mass departure was the first organised rejection of the idea of intellect being the preserve of some, power the handmaiden of some others, trade and commerce of another lot and existence in servitude, the fate of the overwhelming majority. The questions that the Kshatriya princes asked have yet to be comprehensively answered.

As long as those who control the reins of faith continue to insist that Chaturvarnashram is in fact the divinely ordained division of labour, we cannot escape the situation where large parts of the population are compelled to exist in conditions of absolute servitude, exclusion and marginalisation. The Chaturvarnashram is the Indian version of racial discrimination. Forever perpetuating the dominance of the "dwij jaatis".

As long as this discriminatory construct continues, Dalits and tribals will continue to convert as they have from the time of the Buddha, it is another matter that conversion does not help them escape the brand of being a low born and so carpenters, weavers, blacksmiths, butchers, cobblers, tailors, potters, goldsmiths, silversmiths, coppersmiths, performers, and others who had to work for a living have always been treated as life of a "lower intellect" because if they had any intellect they would be Brahmins or Kshatriyas - people who made others do their dirty work.

And it is because of this that entire communities converted to Islam and Sikhism when the opportunity presented itself and it is because of this that the finest craftspeople are to be found among these communities.

Some "upper-castes" also converted in the hope that if they converted to the religion of the king, it will help them rise in life. Whenever the "upper-caste" converted they carried their caste names into the new religion and examples of this can be found in Kashmir, in Rajasthan, in Haryana and in Punjab, but when the "low caste" converted they gave up their caste names because they were not converting for political reasons, they were opting out of a system that treated them with bias and prejudice.

Source: dailyo

Where Upanishads and Hadith are taught together

News » National                                                MANDSAUR, January 10, 2015

Mahim Pratap Singh

Images of goddess Saraswati and Ajmer Shariff share the wall at a classroom 
in Madarasa Firdose centre at Mandasaur in Madhya Pradesh. 
Photo: Prashant Nakwe    The Hindu

As the sun slowly warms the small classrooms of Madrasa Gyan Sagar, students return from the extended winter break to welcome New Year’s Day at school.

There is a picture of Saraswati, the Hindu goddess of knowledge, displayed prominently on the wall in the Principal’s office. Outside is a blackboard on which is inscribed a quote from the Brihadarnyaka Upanishad (Asato Maa Sadgamaya) and one from the Hadith (Knowledge is the greatest wealth.)

In a classroom, three girls, Ambreen, Simran and Farida, begin reciting Saraswati Vandana. They study in a madrasa, probably unlike any other in the country.

Gyan Sagar is one of the 128 madrasas run by a group of women in and around Madhya Pradesh’s Mandsaur district, which is otherwise famous for its poppy farms and high-grade opium. In 78 of these madarsas, Hindu students outnumber their Muslim friends (over 55 per cent of the students are Hindu), while 630 of the 865 teachers employed by the group are Hindu.

The Hindu religion is taught as a compulsory subject for students from Hindu households, with textbooks comprising detailed explanations of religious rituals and their scientific basis. “Most of the families in this village [Songari] are Muslim. Yet, the madrasa offers both religions as subjects. Students learn about their respective religions and share the teachings with their classmates from the other religion in their free time. The entire experience is very enriching,” says Gagan Bhatnagar, Principal of Madrasa Gyan Sagar.

Five Muslim and two Hindu women form the Nida Mahila Mandal (NMM), which operates these schools, headquartered at Madrasa Firdaus, the main branch just outside the gates of old Mandsaur city. The madrasas — with names such as Madrasa Gurukul Vidyapeeth and Madrasa Jain Vardhaman — have a strength of 5,500 students from across the district.

Set up in 1992 by Shahzad Qureshi, Madrasa Firdaus initially used to impart religious education and offered free tuition to poor students from other schools. In 1998, when the Madhya Pradesh government set up the Madrasa Board, the Nida Mahila Mandal, a registered society, got itself accredited as a study centre to offer higher secondary education.

“We were educating children from poor families. A lot of poor Hindu families wanted to enrol their children in our schools, but were concerned about religious education,” says NMM chairperson Talat Qureshi.

“That is when we thought of reviving India’s older system of madrasas that offered subsidised education, and where such legends as Munshi Premchand, Raja Rammohun Roy, Bharatendu Harishchandra and Pandit Ramchandra Shukla had their education,” says Dr. Qureshi, a dentist by profession.

Modern education is the primary focus of the Madrasa Firdaus group. However, since it is affiliated to the Madrasa Board, it must offer religious education. To get around that condition, the NMM sought help from Hindu friends and prepared a Hindu religious education module and integrated it into the curriculum. As a result, Hindu religion is a compulsory subject for Hindu students studying in these study centres, while Muslim students have to study and pass Deeniyat.

“The Hindu Dharma textbook contains the Gayatri Mantra, Solah Sanskaar and Pranayaam, among other topics, and explains their scientific basis,” says Nemichand Rathore, a freelance journalist who drafted the textbooks.

While English is the preferred medium of instruction, Hindi is a compulsory language, and students can choose either Urdu or Sanskrit.

Ayushi Varshi, 16, has opted for Urdu and flawlessly recites Kalmas and Ghazals. “My parents encourage me to learn Urdu. They say it offers a lot of career opportunities,” she says.

Her siblings Mehek, 12, and Abhi, 9, enrolled in Insha Public School, another branch of Madrasa Firdaus, are also learning the language.

Then, there is Shabnam, a Class VIII student of Madrasa Firdaus, who is fascinated with the Gayatri Mantra. Bolne mei bahut accha lagta hai [I love the sound of it], she says, after reciting it.

The group of madrasas is affiliated to the State education board till Class VIII, while the secondary and higher secondary levels are affiliated to the National Institute of Open Schooling.

Source: The Hindu

Nation celebrating wrong heroes: Arundhati Roy

Special Correspondent

Writer Arundhati Roy at an Ayyankali memorial lecture in Thiruvananthapuram on Thursday. 
Photo: C. Ratheesh Kumar    The Hindu

 The real struggles and battles of actual heroes such as Ayyankali in Kerala or Jyotiba Phule in Maharashtra, who successfully led mass movements against upper class brutalities, will continue to be kept away from popular imagination as long as the nation keeps celebrating the wrong heroes, writer and political thinker Arundhati Roy said here on Thursday.

She was delivering the Mahatma Ayyankali address at an international seminar on “Re-imagining struggles at the margins: A history of the unconquered and the oppressed” organised by the Mahatma Ayyankali Chair, Department of History, University of Kerala.

It is part of a political conspiracy to perpetuate the caste system that such heroes are never celebrated. All the while, the nation has been fed on centuries of lies about “mahatmas,” who never openly renounced the caste system but instead, advocated that the hereditary occupation of people who belonged to a particular caste ought to be the maintained social order, she said.

“The story of Gandhi that we have been told, is a lie. It is time to unveil a few truths, about a person whose doctrine of nonviolence was based on the acceptance of a most brutal social hierarchy ever known, the caste system. Gandhi believed that a scavenger should always remain a scavenger. Do we really need to name our universities after him?” Ms. Roy said, quoting from several writings by Gandhi.

Caste system

“India can never hope to be a U.S. or China as long as the caste system, this deep disease in our souls, is not annihilated. It is time that as a nation, people started asking themselves if they wanted to institutionalise injustice, if they were so sick as to believe that some people deserved to be more privileged than the others,” she added.

Kancha Ilaiah, Dalit activist, writer and former Professor of Political Science, Osmania University, Hyderabad, delivered the keynote address. The seminar was inaugurated by P.K. Radhakrishnan, Vice Chancellor, University of Kerala.

Source: The Hindu