శ్రీ కౌముది నవంబర్ 2013

Srikrishna panel: New state of Telangana will lead to large-scale migration & social unrest

Monday, Nov 4, 2013, 7:47 IST | Place: New Delhi | Agency: DNA

Manan Kumar 

  

The controversial chapter of the Justice Srikrishna Commission report that was stashed away in a separate cover for being too direct and volatile reflects rather poorly on the state of education and predicts migration woes leading to conflicts social unrest and adverse impact on farming. 

Observing that most of the educational infrastructure in Telangana, located within the limits of Greater Hyderabad and owned by Seemandhra people, has been used by the student community for pro-Telangana agitations, the report cautions, “This may lead to migration of the faculty as well as these institutions, impacting/reducing the availability of local persons who can be productively engaged by the industry/ business-houses.”

Taking into account Telangana’s riches as having deposits of limestone and granite and dominant industries of thermal power and pharmaceuticals etc., the report observe that most industries are managed by Seemandhra people.

It then questions the main propaganda of Telangana agitation which demanded that job opportunities in all these industries should be made available to the people of Telangana, and asks who would substitute the owners and skilled personnel employed in these industries that come from the Seemandhra region.

“The inability to substitute them with sufficient number of qualified locals may lead to conflict between the locals and non-locals and also between the management and the workforce,” the report deduces.

Observing that energy deficiencies in Telangana region may lead to migration of population to Seemandhra region that is rapidly expanding its energy sources, viz., gas, wind, solar and nuclear, besides having coal, the report warns of further imbalance in employment opportunities, which may become a cause for social unrest.

Dwelling further on energy deficiency in Telangana where substantial energy gets consumed by industrially-developed Nalgonda, Medak, Mahboobnagar and Hyderabad, the report observes that any economic imbalance may lead to energy starvation of the small and marginal farmers, who are currently enjoying free electricity for irrigation, thus adversely affecting the productivity.

“This can cause decline in their earnings which may result in distress sale of lands and their migration to the industrial belt in the Hyderabad city,” cautions the report.

“This may further cause change in the population profile, pressure on unskilled employment sector, land and water utilisation in Hyderabad which in turn may accentuate inter-regional rivalry and tensions in Hyderabad area,” it warns.

Finally, dealing with the socio-economic equations, the report looks at the historical dominance of upper castes of Reddys and Velamas in Telangana that led to the discrimination of the bulk of population coming from backward community of Munnur Kapu, Mudhiraj, Gouds, Padmashalis and the scheduled castes, mainly  ‘madigas’ and caused Naxalism.

Trying to dissect the scenario in case of the formation of Telangana state, the report says, “Even today while the leaders of the separate Telangana agitation are from dominant castes, the actual foot soldiers are mainly from the BCs and SCs, who are aspiring to acquire political space and leadership. These aspirations, if not realised, may become an important factor contributing to social unrest.”

Source: dnaindia

A tale of two states: 'Happy Birthday Andhra Pradesh' has a sad tinge today

T S Sudhir  Hyderabad, November 1, 2013 | UPDATED 16:13 IST

'Happy Birthday Andhra Pradesh' has a sad tinge to it today. For this November 1 could well be the last Andhra Pradesh Formation Day that the state is celebrating in its present form. If the Congress has its way, by December, the state would be cut into two to create a new state of Telangana with ten districts while the remaining 13 districts would continue to call themselves Andhra Pradesh.

In 1956, Andhra Pradesh was the first state to be formed on linguistic basis. In 2013, that will fade into history.

By all accounts it has been a messy divorce, with court proceedings (read appeals in the Delhi Durbar by people from Andhra Pradesh) virulent, emotional and ugly. That is because people from the coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions think they have been given a raw deal. They believe both in the short term and long term, the new Andhra Pradesh or Seemandhra is going to be unviable. A flop state, condemned to doom, from day one.

"Telugu speaking people will lose both politically and economically in a big way. But then if that is a choice that the Telugu speaking people have made consciously, they you cannot complain about it,'' rues Jayaprakash Narayan, President of the Loksatta Party. Narayan who is an MLA from Hyderabad city, is in favour of Telangana but objects to the manner in which the state is being bifurcated.

Interestingly, that it has been a case of 'winner takes all' is a sentiment shared even by Telangana politicians in private. They gloat that they have successfully managed to convince the powers-that-be in Delhi that the "historical mistakes of the past" should be corrected by being overgenerous to Telangana.

Andhra Pradesh sends 42 MPs to the Lok Sabha, the highest in south India. Since 1996, this contingent has played a central role in governments at the Centre, be it the Telugu Desam in 1996, 1998 and 1999 or the Congress in 2004 and 2009. Now Telangana state with 17 MPs and Seemandhra state with 25 MPs, will find their political clout considerably reduced.

"Size matters," points out D A Somayajulu, former Economic Affairs Advisor to Andhra Pradesh government and now a leader with the YSR Congress. "Now we are going to lose this size. So no one will take you seriously. Does anyone take Mizoram seriously the way they take a big state like Andhra Pradesh. They wont.''

But reduced political clout is not the only reason why many feel that it is a lose-lose situation for both states. People of coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema are ruing that since Hyderabad will longer be their state capital, it will take away the magnetic power the state had to attract investors.

"Any division will have its advantages and disadvantages. For the people of Seemandhra, losing a capital city like Hyderabad, a city that has been developed over decades is a loss. They cannot replicate even if they are given 2 or 3 lakh crores. That kind of money can create infrastructure but it cannot create an economy,'' says K Nageshwar, political analyst.

Somayajulu argues that the administrators of Andhra Pradesh erred by putting all the goodies in the Hyderabad basket as a result of which there is a world of difference between the the state capital and other cities in the state.

"In 2012-13, Andhra Pradesh had a software turnover of 55000 crores out of which Rs.54800 crores was from Hyderabad. Which means 99.9% is from Hyderabad. This means the engine of economic growth is in Hyderabad while the rest of Andhra Pradesh will have only compartments with no engine. That too at a time when agriculture constitutes just 15-16 per cent of GDP. So you cannot have 84 per cent on one side and 16 per cent on the other. Not the best way to divide a state," he says.

According to the Andhra Pradesh finance ministry, Hyderabad accounts for 70 per cent of Andhra Pradesh's tax revenues. In 2012-13, of the state's revenues of 69146 crore rupees, Rs.48400 crore came from Hyderabad and its neighbouring Ranga Reddy district. The revenue from rest of Telangana was Rs.6206 crore, coastal Andhra Rs.10729 crore and Rayalaseema Rs.3809 crores.

However the Justice Srikrishna committee which studied the situation in Andhra Pradesh, believed that Hyderabad as the bone of contention is over hyped. In its 505 page report submitted in January 2011, it said this about economic viability : "Telangana as a new state can sustain itself both with and without Hyderabad. The other combination of regions - coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema - together can also sustain themselves as a state; in fact they can sustain themselves separately.''

The committee's report pointed out that the Telangana region (excluding Hyderabad) ranks 15th in the list of 28 states in terms of absolute GDP. Including Hyderabad, its rank moves up to 13th place. Interestingly, coastal Andhra ranks 13th too in terms of GDP. The laggard is Rayalaseema, whose per capita income is below the all-India average.

Former director of Centre for Public Policy and a votary of Telangana, Dr Gautam Pingle therefore believes that this fear of Seemandhra being a Bimaru state is just not true. "If they are bimaru, we are also bimaru. We are in fact worse off. They have capital, entrepreneurship. For last 150 years, they had 2 million acres under both the deltas, thanks to the Brits,'' says Dr Pingle.

However, that has not prevented the battle for a united Andhra Pradesh from becoming a battle to retain control over Hyderabad, some way or the other. Votaries of status quo argue that it is because they are also interested in Hyderabad's prosperity. Being made the capital of a Telangana state, they argue, is killing Brand Hyderabad.

"If it were not to be the capital of a large state like AP, and be just be an erstwhile princely state like Mysore, Junagadh or Gwalior, it would have deteriorated and degenerated. But because it became the capital of a large prosperous state with two deltas, long coastline, minerals, Hyderabad prospered. Now if it were to become the capital of a state with just 17 Lok Sabha seats and not much economic activity in the hinterland of Hyderabad, then Hyderabad will be lost even before the next 10 years. It will be an insignificant metropolis,'' argues Parakala Prabhakar, a votary of united Andhra Pradesh.

However, Telangana activists say that it is time Seemandhra moved on, instead of crying hoarse that all is lost by losing Hyderabad.

"If we took the same view, we would go to Bangalore ten years ago. Because ten years ago, Hyderabad was not an IT hub, Bangalore was. So you have to start somewhere. If you want to present yourself as a location that is favourable and profitable, there is no point saying, we lost Hyderabad," says Pingle.

But Hyderabad is only one part of the issue in this tale of two states. The region whose concerns are being ignored the most in this entire division debate is Rayalaseema, which for all practical purposes, is even more backward than Telangana. Not everyone is confident that the two regions of coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema will continue as one state for too long. They point out that culturally and in terms of prosperity and work ethic, people from the two regions are very different. The apprehension is that Rayalaseema will be seen by people of coastal Andhra as a burden, almost like poor cousins. Especially since the region does not have the kind of resource base that coastal Andhra has.

"Rayalaseema's concerns and future are far more important than Hyderabad. Far too many people are focusing on Hyderabad. But we are ignoring central issue of 16 million people. They are most backward districts of India. There is a genuine sense of being orphaned. If we do not address that, we are not really finding a solution,'' says Jayaprakash Narayan.

Which is why there is almost a consensus that Rayalaseema that consists of four districts may want to break away from coastal Andhra, sooner than later. That a trifurcation of present-day Andhra Pradesh will most certainly take place.

G Omkarnath, Professor of Economics at Hyderabad Central University sees an unviability in terms of Seemandhra surviving as one unit. "There would soon be forces who would play up in Rayalaseema. The same forces who came in Telangana will say look, we in Rayalaseema have our own identity and become a third state instead of two states, sooner or later. It calls for tremendous institutional engineering, political statesmanship, vision on part of polity as a whole,'' says Prof Omkarnath.

When advertising professionals Shashi Vadana Reddy and S K Swaroop got married 13 years ago, the fact that Shashi hails from Telangana and Swaroop from Vizag in coastal Andhra, hardly mattered. But now in a situation where Andhra Pradesh is about to be cut into two, Shashi has to walk that extra mile to ensure peace in her household. She says divisions run so deep that people from her side of the family do not even want to give one of their daughters in matrimony to a boy from coastal Andhra.

"Sometimes it becomes a bit heated. For instance, when my aunt comes over. She is totally into Telangana and has very extreme views on it. When she comes over, I make sure Swaroop is not around,'' says Shashi Vadana Reddy.

But it is not so hush-hush when it comes to Telugu films. The manner in which the Telugu film industry, dominated by people from coastal Andhra, portray people from Telangana as comedians, has always been a grouse with those from the region. If a new wave of Telangana filmmakers emerge, that could change though the argument is that films should be made for all nine crore Telugus and not for four crore in Telangana, five crore in Seemandhra and two crore living outside the state.

Eminent film producer D Suresh Babu predicts that there will be one set of filmmakers on both sides who will try to make extreme regional films. "If they have a broader appeal, they will do well across. But if they have only local appeal, they will do well only locally and will slowly die out. Because business needs better films. So they will also come back - the bigger Telangana director and the bigger Vizag director,'' says Suresh Babu.

The situation is worse when it comes to those practising purist cultural traditions. Varsha Bhargavi, a member of the International Dance Council of UNESCO, fears that dance forms that have their roots in coastal Andhra will find the doors of Hyderabad city as an art patron shut on them for ever.

"I feel the bifurcation will really affect the dance forms in Andhra Pradesh especially those performers based out of Vijayawada and Rajahmundry. Already many of them are not allowed to performed in Hyderabad city, which is really the place for the performing arts. We have seen a lot of negative views on Andhra Natyam dance form when we were performing at the Kakatiya dance festival in Warangal last year. We had to announce it as a temple dance tradition instead of Andhra Natyam,'' says Varsha Bhargavi.

If the borders of Andhra Pradesh are redrawn, future generations will witness water wars. That is the prediction, Seemandhra politicians like Kiran Kumar Reddy and Jaganmohan Reddy are making. Their argument is that river water sharing will at best be on paper, but never implemented in letter and spirit by the upper riparian state, which in this case will be Telangana.

Given the confrontationist nature of river water sharing disputes between Karnataka and Tamilnadu and even Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh, people from Seemandhra region predict that this division will sound the deathknell for agriculture in coastal Andhra. They point to Andhra Pradesh's experience with Tungabhadra which is jointly managed by Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh.

"We hardly get 50 per cent of the water allotted to us in any year. In the years of flooding, anyway water will come. But in normal years, we do not even get water that is allotted to us. So now you will have another state created and this state with all its resources can utilise all this water. Who are you going to tell? What are we doing to Karnataka?'' says Somayajulu.

Interestingly, experts predict that Telangana region, that is largely dependent on borewells and tanks, and has seen many farmers burdened by debt killing themselves after their crop failed, could now see its agriculture take a turn for the better.

"Telangana agriculture might show more dynamism. Because they don't have a history of irrigation. Traditionally they have had tank irrigation but now tanks have been closing down due to real estate take over. But as they get more and more into river-based irrigation system, it will improve. Already Karimnagar, according to the Srikrishna committee report, is the rice bowl of Telangana. And the rice millers assocation of Karimnagar is very powerful politically,'' says Omkarnath.

Union ministers like Purandareswari and Pallam Raju from Seemandhra, reconciled to the inevitability of bifurcation, are now bargaining for a hefty package to develop the new state. But it will not be easy to attract private capital, unless juicy carrots are dangled. J A Chowdhary, Chief Mentor of The Indus Entrepreneurs points out that if any industrialist has to set up operations in Seemandhra, he will look for incentives such as tax breaks, both sales tax and income tax.

Analysts also warn Seemandhra against making the mistake Andhra Pradesh did and advise the state's future rulers to develop several industrial hubs across the two regions.

But it is not as if everything is hunky dory for Telangana state. Over focussing on Hyderabad could be a strategic error as would be to use the city only as a money-minting machine for the state exchequer. Experts point out that huge differences within Telangana - between a tribal Adilabad and a Mahbubnagar prone to large scale migrations - will have to be reconciled in a more socialist development ecosystem.

Many like chief minister Kiran Kumar Reddy have argued that the lights will be off the moment Telangana becomes a separate state. That is because it will be a power deficit state. Telangana region now produces 57 million units in a day, but consumes about 115 million units. If the lift irrigation schemes in Telangana were to be implemented, it would need another 175 million units everyday. Which means the state will face a daily shortfall of over 200 million units. The result will either be loadshedding or a drain on the state exchequer to buy power from other states.

Telangana leaders admit the power situation will remain a concern in a future new state but say they will manage it. "Hyderabad is the hinterland of Telangana and is the economic engine that drives Andhra Pradesh today and will drive Telangana tomorrow. So Telangana being a surplus state can buy power from Andhra or Chhattisgarh and if we get grid connectivity, even from the north east. If power is the only issue, there are avenues to make up for the deficit. But yes, we admit that Telangana as on today will be short on power," says K T Rama Rao, TRS leader.

For the last four years, Andhra Pradesh has been a house divided, a case of Us versus Them, with the differences on regional lines completely exposed. But the real test starts now. For people in both states. They need to ensure that while united they stood, divided too they will not fall.

Source: India Today

Read more at: http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/andhra-pradesh-telangana-seemandhra-andhra-pradesh-formation-day/1/321182.html

వేరు పడడమే నేటి విజ్ఞత - వెలిచాల జగపతిరావు

Published at: 30-10-2013 00:20 AM

విభజనకు ఒప్పుకోండి. తెలంగాణతో ఘర్షణ ఆపండి. కేంద్రం ఇస్తున్న హామీలను స్వీకరించండి. ఆంధ్ర ప్రాంతంలోని కోట్లాది ప్రజల సౌకర్యం కోసం అన్ని హంగులతో కూడుకున్న కొత్త రాజధాని ఎంతైనా అవసరం. వెనుకబడ్డ ప్రాంతాల అభివృద్ధికి ప్యాకేజీ అవసరం. పెద్ద పెద్ద నీటిపారుదల నిర్మాణానికి కేంద్ర సహాయం అవసరం. విజ్ఞత చూపండి. రానిది-మీది కానిది కోరకండి.

తెలంగాణ ప్రజాపోరాట ఉద్యమం రాజకీయ నిరుద్యోగుల ఉద్యమమని ఆంధ్రులు అంటున్నారు. తమ ఉద్యమమేమో సమ-ఐక్యత మహోద్యమమట! తెలంగాణ రాజ్యం ఏర్పడితే దొరల రాజ్యం ఏర్పడుతుందని కుహనా రాజకీయ వేత్తలు పదే పదే వల్లిస్తూ పాశవిక అనుభూతిని పొందుతున్నారు.దొరలు ఎక్కడ? ఎప్పుడు? ఎంతమంది? ఎన్ని గ్రామాల్లో అత్యాచారాలు, అరాచకాలు చేశారు? ఆంధ్ర ప్రాంతంలో దళితులపై రాక్షసకాండను దేశం ఇంకా మరిచిపోలేదు. కారంచేడు, చుండూరు, లక్ష్మీపురం ఘటనలు మానవత పట్ల మహాపచారాలు కావా? ఆ అమానుషాలకు కారకులు ఏ కులాల వారు? వారి అఘాయిత్యాల చిట్టా విప్పమంటారా? వారు 'సత్యపూస'లైతే నక్సలైట్ల పేరు చెబితేనే ఎందుకు గజగజ వణికి పోతున్నారు? తెలంగాణ దృష్టిలో నక్సలైట్లు దేశభక్తులు. పేద ప్రజలకు వారు కొండంత అండ. తెలుగు ప్రజలు రెండుసార్లు దొరల పరిపాలనలో ఉన్నారు. స్వాతంత్య్రానికి ముందు ఉమ్మడి మద్రాసు రాష్ట్రానికి ముఖ్యమంత్రిగా ఉన్న రంగారావు బొబ్బిలి జమిందారు. ఆంధ్రప్రదేశ్‌కు సమర్థపాలన అందించిన జలగం వెంగళరావు కాంగ్రెస్ నాయకుడు. ఇరువురూ వెలమ దొరలే. 1960 దశకంలో ఆంధ్రప్రదేశ్ ఉప ముఖ్యమంత్రిగా ఉన్న జె.వి.నర్సింగ్‌రావు వెలమ. ఆంధ్రప్రదేశ్ పీసీసీకి ముగ్గురు వెలమలు నేతృ త్వం వహించారు. నిజాం వ్యతిరేక పోరాటంలో వెలమలది ముఖ్యపాత్ర. తెలంగాణ సాయుధ పోరాటంలో వెలమల పాత్ర శ్లాఘనీయం.

రాష్ట్ర శాసనసభలో మూడుసార్లు ప్రతిపక్ష నాయకులు వెలమ దొరలే. చెన్నమనేని రాజేశ్వరరావు ఆ బాధ్యతలను ఎంత సమర్థంగా నిర్వహించారో తెలుగువారికి తెలుసు. మావోయిస్టుల అగ్రనేత వెలమ సామాజికుడు. ఆంధ్రులకు ఆరాధ్యులైన పలనాడు బ్రహ్మన్న, బాలచంద్రుడు, బొబ్బిలి పాపారాయుడు వెలమలే. వెలమల పౌరుష గాథలను ఆంధ్రలో తమ పిల్లలకు ఉగ్గుపాలతో రంగరించి పోస్తారు.
అలనాటి బొబ్బిలి సంస్థానం వైశాల్యంలో నేటి ఒక జిల్లా అంత ఉంటుంది. దానికి నూరంతల ఎక్కువ బలమున్న విజయనగరం సంస్థానం, హైదరాబాద్ రాజ్యం, బుస్సీసేనాని నేతృత్వంలోని ఫ్రెంచ్ సైన్యం ఒకేసారి నాలుగు దిక్కులా చక్రబంధం వేసినా తలవంచని వీరులు బొబ్బిలి వెలమ దొరలు.

వెలమలు దుర్మార్గులా? శతాబ్దాల క్రితమే వారు కులవ్యవస్థకు వ్యతిరేకంగా పోరాడారు. సహపంక్తి భోజనాలు చేశారు. దేవాలయాల్లో వారికి ప్రవేశం కల్పించారు. భారతదేశంలో ఏ జాతిలో లేని ఒక విశిష్ట ఆచారం వెలమ కుటుంబాల్లో ఉంది. వెలమఇంట్లో పెళ్ళికంటే ముందు ఒక దళితుని ఇంట్లో పెళ్ళి జరిపించి, వారి కాళ్ళవద్ద పడిన 'తల్వాలను' అనగా తలంబ్రాలను పంచలో కట్టుకుని తమ పిల్లల పెళ్ళిళ్ళు జరిపిస్తారు. వెలమ దొరల కోటలపైన ఒక హరిజనుడి విగ్రహాన్ని పూజిస్తారు. దీపం పెడుతారు. మీకు ఈ సంస్కారం వుందా? మీరు దళితులను గౌరవిస్తారా? బడుగు వర్గాలను చేరదీస్తారా? మీ ఉద్యమంలో నల్ల బట్టలు కట్టినవారు, గొంగళ్ళు వేసుకున్న వాళ్లు, పెయ్యిపైన సగం బట్టలు వేసుకున్న వారు ఒక్కరు కనబడరెందుకు? ఎందుకు పదే పదే మీరు ఒక కులాన్ని అవమానపరుస్తున్నారు? వెలమలకు దొర అన్నది ఒక గౌరవ పదం.

కూలీ పనిచేసే వెలమలను, పెండ తీసే పాలేరు వెలమను కూడా వారి కంటే తక్కువ కులాలవారు 'రామయ్య దొర పెండతీయవయ్యా' అంటారు. ఆంధ్రా ఉద్యమం ఎన్నో మలుపులు తిరిగింది. ఉద్యమాన్ని ఎగదోసిన నాయకులు కనుమరుగైపోయారు. ఒక చిరు ఉద్యోగి ఉద్యమంలో చేరి ఇంతై, ఇంతింతై, కొండంతై కేంద్ర మంత్రులను దిగిపొమ్మంటున్నాడు. మెడలు విరుస్తామంటున్నాడు. శాసనసభ్యులను, పార్లమెంటు సభ్యులను బజారులో నడవనీయమంటున్నాడు. ముఖ్యమంత్రితో చీకటి రాజకీయాలు చేస్తున్నాడు. కొత్త పార్టీ పెడతామని పగటికలలు కంటున్నాడు. ఆంధ్ర ఉద్యమానికి కర్త, క్రియ, కర్మ అంతా ఒక ఉద్యోగ సంఘం నాయకుడే. తెరచాటు ముసుగు నాయకుడు మాత్రం ముఖ్యమంత్రేనని అందరూ చెప్పుకుంటున్నారు.

ఆంధ్రుల విభజన వ్యతిరేక కిరికిరి మితిమీరి పోతున్నది. సమ-ఐక్యత ఒక విషపూరిత, స్వార్థపూరిత రాజకీయ పంథా. దానికి తలాతోకా లేదు. దానికి ఒక ఫిలాసఫీ లేదు. అది ఏకపక్షం. అపహర్తులు, దోపిడీదార్లు, దురాక్రమణదారులు, తెలంగాణరాజ్యాన్ని పంచమనడం హీనాతిహీనమైన, నీతి బాహ్యమైన ఆలోచన. దోచుకున్న దాన్ని లీగలైజ్ చేసుకోవడానికి చేసే కుటిలప్రయత్నం. ఉద్యమంలో అవలంబించిన పద్ధతులు జుగుప్సాకరం. బట్టలూడదీసుకొని ఆకులు కట్టుకొని చిం దులు వేయడం, ఒంటికాలు మీద మోకాళ్ళ మీద నడవడం, నడిరోడ్డు పైన చెమ్మాచెక్కా, వాలీబాల్, క్రికెట్ ఆటలు, రికార్డింగ్ డాన్సులు, చిన్న పిల్లలను పరేడ్ చేయించడం, మాటి మాటికి అంతర్యుద్ధం, సివిల్ వార్, యుద్ధ నగారా, నీటియుద్ధాలు చేస్తామని బెదిరింపులు. ఎక్కడ యుద్ధం చేస్తారట? ఎవరితోనట? తెలంగాణతోనా? తెలంగాణ గడ్డపైనేనా? అయితే ఏమైతుందో మీరే ఆలోచించుకోండి. తెలంగాణ లేకపోతే ఆంధ్ర ఎడారై పోతుందా? అదెట్లా? ఆంధ్రను భారతదేశపు ధాన్యాగారం అన్నారు కదా. భారతదేశానికి నిండు అన్నం గిన్నెగా భావించారు కదా. 1.30 కోట్ల ఎకరాల నీటి సాగుబాటు ఉన్న ఆంధ్ర, తెలంగాణ ముందు మోకరిల్లి అన్నమో రామచంద్ర అంటున్నది. బికారులమై పోతామంటున్నది. నమ్మశక్యం కావటం లేదు.

చెన్నై పట్టణానికి తాగునీరు ఇచ్చే ఉద్దేశంతో కేంద్రం నుంచి కేడబ్ల్యూసీ నుంచి కొంత నీరును అధికారికంగా కేటాయించారు. పేరు చెన్నైది, వాడకం మాత్రం ఆంధ్రాలో! అంతా అక్రమమే. తెలుగు గంగ పేరుతో ముడిపెట్టి నాలుగు కొత్త రిజర్వాయర్లకు నీరు తోడుకుంటున్నారు. వెలుగోడు రిజర్వాయర్-16.95; పోతులూరి వీరబ్రహ్మేంద్రస్వామి రిజర్వాయర్ -17.75 ; సోమశిల-78; కొండలేరు-68 (సంఖ్యలన్నీ టీఎంసీలు). తెలంగాణకు ఉపయోగపడే గోదావరీ పరీవాహక నీరును 'రహదారి' చేశారు. 80 లక్షల ఎకరాలకు సరిపోయే నీరును కృష్ణకు తరలించే ప్రతిపాదన తెచ్చారు. ఆంధ్రకు మాత్రమే ఉపయోగపడే పోలవరం, దుమ్ముగూడెం ప్రాజెక్టుల నిర్మాణం చేపట్టారు. ముంపు తెలంగాణది, నీరు ఆంధ్రాకు. ఏమి సమ-ఐక్యత? ఎవరి కొరకో ఈ 'ఐక్యత'?
ఆంధ్రతో తెలంగాణ కలయిక ఒక పీడన. ప్రతిరంగంలో పక్షపాతం, వివక్ష. అది ఒక నరకయాతన. సంఖ్యాబలం ఉన్న ఆంధ్ర రకరకాల స్వార్థపూరిత ఉద్యమాలు చేసి కావలసింది సాధించుకున్నది. తెలంగాణతో కలిసి ఉంటామని రెండు ఉద్యమాలు, తెలంగాణతో విడిపోతామని రెండు ఉద్యమాలు-తమకుకావలసిన ముఖ్యమంత్రులను ఉంచాలని, మార్చవద్దని రెండు ఉద్యమాలు.

తెలంగాణ ముఖ్యమంత్రులను మార్చమని రెండు ఉద్యమాలు. నీటికాడ, నిధుల కాడ, పదవుల కాడ, ఉద్యోగాల కాడ, విద్యలో, వైద్యంలో, ఉపాధిలో, కరువు నిధుల్లో, వరద నిధుల్లో, రోడ్ల కాడ, రైళ్ళ కాడ, కేంద్ర పదవుల్లో, రాష్ట్ర పదవుల్లో -అంతటా అన్యాయమే. దురాక్రమణే, పక్షపాతమే. 57 ఏళ్ళ ఉద్యమం ద్వారా తెలంగాణ రక్తసిక్తమైంది. నిరంతర పోరాటాలు చేసి అలసిపోయింది. ఈ దశలో భారతదేశ రాజకీయ పార్టీలు, సమాఖ్య సభ్యులు, ప్రభుత్వాలు, కేంద్ర ప్రభుత్వం, భారతదేశ యావత్తు ప్రజానీకం తెలంగాణ గోసను చూసి విభజన తప్ప వేరే మార్గం లేదని తెలంగాణకు అండగా నిలిచారు. విభజన నిర్ణయం జరిగింది. ఆంధ్ర తిరిగి అలవాటు ప్రకారంగా ఉద్యమించింది, ఉద్యమం నకిలీది, ఉత్తుత్తది. అయినా సంఖ్యాబలంతో తెలంగాణ బిల్లును శాసనసభలో అడ్డుకుంటామని, పార్లమెంట్‌లో అడ్డుకుంటామని రాజకీయాలు చేస్తున్నారు.

తెలంగాణ ఓపిక నశించింది. మూడున్నర కోట్ల తెలంగాణకు కనువిప్పు కలిగింది. కేంద్ర ప్రభుత్వం, జాతీయ పార్టీలు, ప్రభుత్వాలు, ఫెడరల్ సమాఖ్య సభ్యుల హామీతో తెలంగాణ ఓపికతో నిరీక్షిస్తున్నది. డిసెంబర్‌లోగా తెలంగాణ నిర్ణయం జరగనివ్వకపోతే హైదరాబాద్ రాజధాని నగరంలో ఉమ్మడి రాష్ట్ర బోర్డు తిప్పేయటానికి తెలంగాణ యువత సంసిద్ధమౌతున్నది. నూరారైన, ఆరునూరైన; భూనభోంతరాలు ఏకమైనా, ఇటు సూర్యుడు అటు పొడిచినా తెలంగాణ విభజనను ఆపే శక్తి ఎవరికీ లేదని ఖరాఖండితంగా తెలంగాణ బహిరంగంగా చెబుతున్నది.

ఇక రాజధాని సంగతి - ఆంధ్రులు నిస్సిగ్గుగా, నిర్లజ్జగా, మానాభిమానాలు లేకుండా హైదరాబాద్ రాజధాని నగరం మీ అబ్బ సొమ్మా అని తెలంగాణను ప్రశ్నిస్తున్నారు. 1956 నుంచి నేటి వరకు హైదరాబాద్ అభివృద్ధి పైన, ఆంధ్ర ప్రాంతం ఒక నయాపైస పెట్టుబడి పెట్టలేదు. హైదరాబాద్ పట్టణ ఆలనాపాలనా, అభివృద్ధి అంతా తెలంగాణదే. త్రాగే నీరు తెలంగాణదే, పరిశ్రమలకు, ఇతర అవసరాలకు వాడే నీరు కూడా తెలంగాణదే. విద్యుచ్ఛక్తి తెలంగాణదే. దాదాపు 20వేల మంది జీహెచ్ఎంసీ ఉద్యోగుల జీతభత్యాలు తెలంగాణ భరిస్తున్నది. హైదరాబాద్ పట్టణ నిర్మాణానికి, నేటి విలువ ప్రకారంగా 50వేల కోట్లు రాష్ట్ర ఏర్పాటు సమయంలో మద్రాసు నుంచి విడిపోయి వచ్చిన ఆంధ్ర హైదరాబాద్ నగర విలువ కట్టలేదు. దాంట్లో భాగస్వామ్యానికి పెట్టుబడి పెట్టలేదు. అయినా హైదరాబాద్ మాదే అంటున్నారు. అది మీ అబ్బ సొమ్మా అంటున్నారు.

ఆంధ్ర ఉద్యమకారులు ప్రజలకు అవాకులు చవాకులు చెప్పి వారిని రెచ్చగొట్టి విభజన సమస్యను జటిలం చేయడానికి సర్వపన్నాగాలు పన్నారు. శాంతికి భంగం కలిగించారు. తెలంగాణ, ఆంధ్ర మధ్యన ఉన్న మర్యాదను భంగపరిచి తెలంగాణను నానా హింసలు పెట్టి భవిష్యత్తులో కలిసి ఉండటానికి అవకాశం లేకుండా విషబీజాలు నాటారు. ఢిల్లీ చుట్టూ పడిగాపులు కాస్తున్నారు. గడప గడపకు వెళ్ళి పిటీషన్లు ఇస్తున్నారు, కోర్టుకు పోయారు. అసెంబ్లీలో, పార్లమెంట్‌లో తెలంగాణ విభజన అడ్డుకుంటారట. కేంద్ర ప్రభుత్వాన్ని, జాతీయ నాయకులను, జాతీయ పార్టీలను బండబూతులు తిట్టి వారి విగ్రహాలను ధ్వంసం చేసి, మలినం చేసి, కాల్చి బొందపెట్టి వెకిలి డాన్సులు చేసారు. ఇప్పుడు మళ్ళీ వాళ్ళ దగ్గరికే పోయి మీరు విభజన ఆపకపోతే మీ పార్టీలను బొందపెడతామంటున్నారు. భారత జాతి ఆంధ్రుల నడవడిని గమనిస్తున్నారు. వారు ఆంధ్రను ఒక ధూర్త, దుష్ట 'రోగ్' రాష్ట్రంగా చూస్తున్నారు.

ఆంధ్ర ప్రభుత్వాలు, ప్రజలు, ఆంధ్ర వ్యాపార వేత్తలు, తెలంగాణను గత 57 ఏళ్లుగా వలస ప్రాంతంగానే గుర్తించారు తప్ప సమ భాగస్వామ్యులుగా గౌరవించలేదు. తెలంగాణను ఒక వ్యాపార అడ్డాగా, వలస ప్రాంతంగా మార్చారు. చేతికందినంత దోచుకుతినడమే ప్రధాన లక్ష్యం. వారి వ్యాపారాలు అనేకం. సినిమా రంగం, హాస్పిటళ్లు, నర్సింగ్ హోమ్‌లు, సూపర్ బజార్‌లు, హోటళ్ళు, లాడ్జీలు, క్లబ్బులు, కాలనీలు, పట్టణం చుట్టూ 100 కి.మీ. వరకు భూములు, రియల్ ఎస్టేట్ వ్యాపారాలు, లక్షలాది కోట్ల కాంట్రాక్టు పనులు, సారా వ్యాపారం, కార్ల, మోటారు సైకిళ్ళ ఏజెన్సీలు, బట్టల షాపులు, విద్యారంగం, స్కూళ్ళు, కాలేజీలు, పాలిటెక్నికులు, టి.వి. చానళ్ళు, పత్రికా రంగం, పెట్రోలు బంకులు, చెట్ల వ్యాపారం, లేబర్ అడ్డాలు, ట్రాన్స్‌పోర్ట్ బిజినెస్, లగ్జరీ బస్సులు, కోట్లాది విలువ చేసే అపార్టుమెంటులు... అంతా ఆంధ్ర మయమే. ఇన్ని వ్యాపారాలు చేస్తూ తెలంగాణను కొల్లగొడుతూ ఆంధ్ర ఉద్యమకారులు తెలంగాణపై అంతర్యుద్ధం చేస్తామంటున్నారు, సివిల్ వార్ చేస్తామంటున్నారు. నీటి యుద్ధం తప్పదంటున్నారు. యుద్ధం యుద్ధం అని గావుకేకలు పెడుతున్నారు, పిచ్చి కూతలు కూస్తున్నారు. యుద్ధం జరిగేది తెలంగాణ భూభాగంలోనే అని గమనించాలి. ప్రపంచ చరిత్రలో భూమి విడిచి సాము చేసిన వారు ఎవ్వరూ గెలువలేదు.

సామరస్యానికి, సహజీవనానికి తెలంగాణ ఎప్పుడూ సిద్ధమే. తెలంగాణ ఎప్పుడూ ఆంధ్ర చుట్టరికాన్ని స్వీకరిస్తుంది. ఆంధ్ర భాషను గౌరవిస్తుంది. తెలంగాణలో చిరకాలంగా నివసిస్తున్న ఆంధ్రులు మా అన్నదమ్ములే, అక్కచెల్లెల్లే. విభజనకు ఒప్పుకోండి. తెలంగాణతో ఘర్షణ ఆపండి. కేంద్రం ఇస్తున్న హామీలను స్వీకరించండి. ఆంధ్ర ప్రాంతంలోని కోట్లాది మంది సామాన్య ప్రజానీకం సౌకర్యం కోసం అన్ని హంగులతో కూడుకున్న కొత్త రాజధాని ఎంతైనా అవసరం. వెనుకబడ్డ ప్రాంతాల అభివృద్ధికి ప్యాకేజీ అవసరం. పెద్ద పెద్ద నీటిపారుదల నిర్మాణానికి కేంద్ర సహాయం అవసరం. విజ్ఞత చూపండి. రానిది-మీది కానిది కోరకండి.
- వెలిచాల జగపతిరావు
సీనియర్ రాజకీయ వేత్త, రచయిత, స్వాతంత్య్ర సమరయోధుడు

Source: Andhrajyothy

A challenge to Indian federalism

Jayaprakash Narayan

October 28, 2013
 

The efforts of the Union government to divide Andhra Pradesh irrespective of the State legislature’s views, pose a grave danger to federalism and unity.

The decision to divide Andhra Pradesh raises important questions about federalism and the nation’s future. This is the first time in India that a state is sought to be divided without the consent of the State legislature, and without a negotiated settlement among stakeholders and regions, and in the face of public opposition.

All major federal democracies have in their Constitutions the provision that a state cannot be divided or merged with another state without its prior consent. This is the essence of federalism. 

Article 3

India’s Constitution-makers gave much thought to the issue of formation of new states and reorganisation of states. The Drafting Committee and the Constituent Assembly were aware of the circumstances prevailing at that time. India witnessed Partition, accompanied by violence, bloodshed, and forced mass migration. In addition, there were several kinds of States — Parts A, B and C — and there was need to reorganise all states and integrate the 552 princely states. If the consent of every State or Unit was a precondition to altering the boundary, reorganisation would have become an excruciatingly difficult exercise. Consequently, the final text of Article 3 as promulgated provided for the President’s recommendation and ascertaining the views of the state concerned both with respect to the proposal to introduce the Bill and with respect to the provisions thereof. 

Our nation-builders were wise in drafting the Constitution to suit our requirements. More important, successive governments have wisely applied Article 3 in dealing with states. While prior consent of the state was not necessary under the Constitution, in practice every state has been formed with prior consent, in most cases after a detailed, impartial examination by an independent commission. Only in the case of Punjab, there was no legislature at the time of dividing the State in 1966. But there was a broad consensus among stakeholders and no opposition.

So far, Parliament and governments have acted with restraint and wisdom in dealing with boundary issues and formation of states. They rejected the notion that anything could be done to alter boundaries, provided it is not expressly prohibited by the Constitution. While prior consent of the state legislature is not mandatory, in practice care has been taken to obtain consent, or to act only on the express request of the state. The 1956 reorganisation was based on the fundamental principle of language; there was broad national consensus on the issue. 

Articles 3 & 4 in their present form are enabling provisions empowering Parliament to act in an exceptional situation when national interest warrants it, or to settle marginal boundary disputes between states when they are recalcitrant and efforts to reconcile differences and arrive at a settlement fail. The framers of the Constitution did not intend to give Parliament arbitrary powers to redraw boundaries; nor did successive Parliaments and governments act unilaterally or arbitrarily without consent, broad consensus or negotiated settlement. 

Even after 1987, in every case of state formation, the consent of the state legislature was obtained. The broader principle of federalism and the willing consent of constituent units and their people has been deemed to be necessary before a state is formed or a territory merged, unless overwhelming national interest demands action by Parliament. The procedure was observed in creating Jharkhand, Uttaranchal and Chhattisgarh in 2000. 

Dr. Ambedkar said in his reply to the debate in the Constituent Assembly on states’ rights: “The… charge is that the Centre has been given the power to override the States. This charge must be admitted. But before condemning the Constitution for containing such overriding powers, certain considerations must be borne in mind. The first is that these overriding powers do not form the normal feature of the Constitution. Their use and operation are expressly confined to emergencies only”. 

It is this spirit that informed the actions of the Union government and Parliament over the past six decades. There were blemishes in the application of Article 356 earlier. But over the past two decades Indian federalism has matured a great deal. The Supreme Court, in Bommai (1994), made Article 356 more or less a “dead letter” — as Dr. Ambedkar had hoped. Though the Finance Commission’s recommendations are not binding on Parliament and government, those of every Finance Commission in respect of devolution of resources have been accepted and implemented. Since the report of the Tenth Finance Commission, there has been greater transparency in devolution: most of the tax revenues of the Union are being treated as the divisible pool, and a fixed proportion of it is shared with states as decided by the Finance Commission. States are now more in control of their economic future. 

Limited sovereignty

This does not mean states can act as they please, or that their territorial integrity is inviolable. There is one nation and one citizenship, and the nation’s territorial integrity is paramount. However, within that overarching framework, states exercise limited sovereignty, and the federal spirit informs the operation of the Constitution. The Constitution did not intend to make India a unitary country with states functioning as municipalities, their survival dependent on the will and whim of the Union government. Nor did the operation of our Constitution over the past 63 years suggest a de facto unitary state. In fact, federalism has been deepening in India, in keeping with global trends. 

The determined efforts of the Union government and its oft-repeated declarations that Andhra Pradesh will be divided irrespective of the legislature’s views, pose a grave danger to federalism and unity. Andhra Pradesh was formed with the prior consent of the Andhra State Legislature, and the Hyderabad State Legislature. When two popular movements for the state’s division were launched in the three regions — in Telangana in 1969-70, and in Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema in 1972-73 — the Union government encouraged all regions to arrive at a negotiated settlement. Corresponding constitutional provisions were put in place to safeguard the interests of all regions. An explicit and implicit compact was made by the Union with the people of Andhra Pradesh to the effect that the State would remain united. It is on this basis that people migrated on a large scale to the other regions and to the capital, Hyderabad, and built their lives, livelihoods and the State’s economy. In this backdrop, any redrawing of boundaries would need another agreement arrived at by the affected parties through patient negotiation. The Union has a seminal role in helping reconcile conflicting interests harmoniously. Parliament can act only on the basis of such an agreement, consensus and consent. Any other approach would be ham-handed, arbitrary and uneven, and run counter to the principles and practice of federalism as they have evolved under Indian conditions.

The way the President and Parliament handle the Andhra Pradesh issue will, in a fundamental sense, shape the future of the Union itself. This is a defining moment not for Andhra Pradesh alone, but for our federal Constitution and India itself. 

If such an arbitrary decision becomes a precedent, any and every state could be divided or boundaries altered without consent, and without a negotiated settlement, that will effectively convert states into municipalities, and India into a unitary state. Neither the Constitution-makers nor nation-builders intended such an outcome. And India’s future will be in peril if such an effort is made to make the nation effectively unitary at this stage. 

In critical moments like this the President and Parliament have to act with restraint, foresight and wisdom. The President is not only the head of the Republic, he is also a part of Parliament. The President is elected by members of both Houses as well as members of State Assemblies. In a fundamental sense the President represents the nation — both Union and states — and is the final defender of the Constitution and federalism along with the Supreme Court. This is therefore a fit case where the President should exercise his constitutional duty independently before recommending introduction of any Bill to divide the State of Andhra Pradesh. 

Leaders of parliamentary parties too should act with clarity and wisdom, and with the knowledge that division of a state without its consent and a negotiated settlement among all stake-holders converts the nation effectively into a unitary one. Every state will, in future, be vulnerable to unilateral action for short-term electoral expediency. 

The Constitution, the President, Parliament and the political parties will be put to a severe test in this case, and the way they respond to this challenge will shape the future of our Republic, and the future of federalism in India. 

(The writer is president of the Lok Satta Party. He is at drjploksatta@gmail.com)

Source: The Hindu

 

Telangana should have come two years ago, says Former Union home secretary GK Pillai

Saturday, Oct 19, 2013, 6:57 IST | Agency: DNA

Manan Kumar 

Former Union home secretary GK Pillai tells dna's Manan Kumar in an exclusive interview that the Telangana decision was wrongly timed. It should have come one or two years ago, he said. Edited excerpts:

Is carving out a new state of Telangana a right decision? Will it create more problems?
If people in Telangana do not want to be part of Andhra, they have full right to demand a new state. If after 60 years, Andhra hasn’t been able to give them confidence... I do not see any reason why they cannot be given a state. But the timing of the decision is bad. It should have come one or two years ago.

The Centre too should have pushed for the first best option given by the Justice Sri Krishna Commission — to give Telangana a regional council. The government should have tried it out for two-three years. If that did not work they should have then gone for the full statehood option.

Which major problem do you foresee once Telangana is carved out?
Most of the problems like capital are highly exaggerated. I think the main problem would be water because water flows from Telangana to coastal regions, which has more fertile land. The real fear of Seemandhra region is what if Telangana constructs a dam. That is something that Telangana should not do but then there is inter-state water commission and recourse to law to take care of such issues.

There is a strong view that creation of Telangana will help the Maoists?
On the contrary, I think a delay in creating Telangana will help the Maoists and allow them to exploit pro-Telangana sentiments.

There are fears that Telangana will give rise to new statehood demands
The way out is to set up the second states re-organisation commission. Its terms of reference should be criteria under which new states will be formed. Let it hear out everybody. Once it determines the criteria for setting up new states that are accepted by Parliament they can look into each demand and decide.

When you were home secretary, you said the main problem of J&K is every agency has a vested interest there. How do we get rid of these vested interests?
For this the government of India needs to reach out to the people of J&K. People want panchayats to have more power. When you have done it for the whole country why can’t you do it for J&K.
Agreed that the 73rd and the 74th amendments are not applicable to J&K. Bring a separate but similar law for the state and force the JK government to implement it. About 70-80% people voted for panchayat elections thinking that devolution of powers will happen and they will run their area efficiently by solving problems locally. 

The people of Kashmir want to get rid of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act
I am convinced that AFSPA can be slowly phased out except from border districts. You cannot have such an extensive army presence in civilian areas for so many years. The army must come when there is a serious problem. This will also break the vicious cycle of vested interests developed over the years by the security forces.

But why is the Centre not taking any initiative?
Because there are vested interests in the Centre as well. That is why the need for public opinion... They need to come forward and hold the government accountable...

A central committee paper of the CPI (Maoist) suggests that Maoists are on the backfoot. Do you agree?
A. Yes, it talks about reverses and the need to make a lot of changes. This shows our strategy has, at least, been partially successful. I don’t think that the Maoist can ever succeed. The question is how long can their struggle continue. 

As the union home secretary you were of the opinion that government would take 5 to 7 years to defeat Maoists. Is the government on the right track?
Very difficult to know what currently is being done but yes the path is correct.

The key issues are tribal land rights and rights over minor forest produce. In both these aspects, I think we have taken steps in the right direction. Now their implementation is critical. If we are able to implement these rights, many of their complaints will go away. I think the time has come when the government can say that in these areas at least land acquisition in a large sense leading to displacement can actually be kept on hold for two years.

What are the reasons for current communal strife? Is it posing a threat to our social fabric? How do we correct it?
The basic thing is communication. You must keep the communication channel open between communities. I look upon it as how many friends do I have among the Muslim community. Ten years ago did I have fewer friends or more Muslim friends? If your self-examination shows that your Muslim friends have come down, it means there is something wrong.

I come from Kerala where Hindus, Muslims, Christians all live together, celebrate festivals. Nobody looks at you as a Hindu or a Muslim. In the north, people do not do that. As a result you have ghettos of different communities. We need to break this barrier.

Social media has emerged as a big trouble-maker lately by showing morphed and doctored videos leading to communal clashes. What are the effective ways to deal with it?    
Government cannot ban it, it is unstoppable. It will have to learn to make use of it. Media information flow needs to be monitored better. Government can be more vigilant to come out with forceful denial of a wrong act committed on a social website and at the same time find ways to proscribe a particular video or a message and take action against those who uploaded such content.

Pakistan PM Nawaz Sharif wants to have good relations with India. But there are ceasefire violations and attempts to push terrorists inside. How should India go about it?
We must strengthen democracy in Pakistan. But at the same time infiltration by terrorists from across the border should not be tolerated. India should do surgical strikes and knock off terror camps.

At the same time we should improve trade, and have more people to people and business to business contacts. When there are shared interests nobody wants war as it affects economic interests. Who knows that the Pakistani army and the ISI that already have large business interests may find business with India lucrative once it grows and slowly leave its anti-India stance that it currently finds essential for their existence.

Source: dna

Festival holidays cancelled for students in Seemandhra

TNN | Oct 26, 2013, 01.06 AM IST

HYDERABAD: In order to make up for the disruption in the academic schedule caused by teachers participation in the Samaikyandhra agitation, the education department has cancelled Sankranti and Christmas holidays for students of the Seemandhra region.

According to the latest circular, classes will also be held on Republic Day next year besides Sundays and second Saturdays as well. The circular was issued to the Regional Joint Director of School Education, Kakinada, Guntur and Kadapa.

The decision to conduct classes on all holidays was taken as teachers agreed to compensate for the lost working days after the Samaikya Andhra Upadhyaya Porata Samithi called off the strike on October 10.

Students will now have to go to school to even off the loss of 33 working days. The circular stated that quarterly examinations will be conducted from December 1 to 6 while half-yearly examinations will be held from January 7 to 12, 2014.

"The headmasters and teachers should attend schools on the compensatory working days. Any slackness on the part of the teachers and any deviation from rules will be viewed seriously. Disciplinary action will be initiated against such teachers," the circular signed by G Vani Mohan, Commissioner and Director of School Education said.

School inspectors will visit the schools on all the compensatory working days to ensure proper completion of the syllabus and report back to the District Educational Officer on a regular basis, the circular said.

However, child rights groups in the city said the government should not cancel all holidays. "Students are entitled to have some leisure time as well. The government cannot conduct classes on Republic Day as it goes against the constitution of the country," said Achyuta Rao, president, AP Balala Hakkula Sangham, a child rights NGO. Government should instead reduce the syllabus to be covered, he added. 

Teachers working in Andhra and Rayalaseema areas were on strike against the proposed bifurcation of the state of Andhra Pradesh from August 22 to October 10.        

Source: The Times of India 

                                                                                                                  

India has 20,000 medicinal plants: Expert

By Express News Service - HYDERABAD

Published: 22nd October 2013 08:25 AM 

India is virtually an epicentre of biodiversity as it has around 10,000 species of higher plants, which are used systematically for treatment of a wide spectrum of human ailments, Prof Chandrakant Kokate, vice-chancellor of KLE University, Belagum, has said. He was speaking at the international conference and exhibition on pharmacognosy here on Monday. About 20,000 different medicinal of plants are grown in India totally, he said.

A three-day Pharmacognosy-2013 conference will deliberate on herbal medicine, trends and drug discovery from natural products. Over 200 researches from 15 countries will present papers at the conference. Biotech and herbal companies and leading universities are also participated in the meet. Pharamacognosy is a science of medicine derived from natural sources.

Prof Kokate said plant-derived drugs constitute major share of different systems of healthcare practiced in India. “Indian herbal drugs is the fastest growing sector. Europe leads the world market, followed by Asia and North America. The global market for this industry is $70 billion, with an average growth of 10 to 12 percent,” he said.

Expressing concern at growing extinction of medicinal plants, Nobel Laureate S Mohan Jain of the University of Heilsinki, Finland, said it was difficult to imagine future cures for diseases. “Hundreds of medicinal plants are at the risk of extinction, which will have detrimental effects. Cures for diseases such as cancer and HIV may also become extinct. And, 30 to 50 percent biodiversity faces the danger of extinction,” he said.

Source: The New Indian Express

No legal, constitutional basis for creation of Telangana state

By DA Somayajulu | ENS - HYDERABAD

Published: 19th October 2013 01:00 PM 

AS per the recommendation of the States Reorganisation Commission (SRC) headed by Justice Fazal Ali, Andhra Pradesh was formed as the first linguistic state in India on November 1, 1956 by merging the Telangana area of Hyderabad state with Andhra state.

The Hyderabad state comprised, in addition to Telangana, five districts of Marathwada and three of Hyderabad-Karnataka. The Marathwada region was merged with Maharashtra and the three districts of Hyderabad-Karnataka were merged with Karnataka. About 25 states have been formed in India on linguistic basis since 1956.

Thus, Telangana is not the only region that was demerged from the Hyderabad state and  merged with another province to form a new linguistic state. Several other provinces were similarly demerged or merged with other provinces for creation of linguistic states. Thus, there was nothing unusual about Telangana being merged with Andhra for formation of Andhra Pradesh.

NO POLICY: The Union cabinet, which met on October 3, 2013, took the decision to create Telangana state with Hyderabad city included therein. But it has not spelt out the basis for such a major decision. Apparently, the government does not have in place any policy for creation of new states. Article 3 empowers Parliament to create new states. But, it is to be understood that such a power has to be exercised according to a policy created for that purpose and not whimsically, selectively or on a case-to- case basis. Arbitrary exercise of authority will not stand judicial scrutiny. It is now too well settled that every state’s action, in order to survive, must not be susceptible to the vice of arbitrariness which is the crux of Article 14 of the Constitution. Arbitrariness is the very negation of the rule of law.

This is also evident from various pronouncements of the apex court. Be it denial of passport in public interest (Maneka Gandhi) or imposition of President’s rule (SR Bommai) or removal of governors (BP Singhal) or alienation of natural resources (presidential reference under Article 143), the apex court was clear that there should be a policy in place. When it comes to creation of new states, the central government has to act with greater responsibility by coming up with a policy, particularly because the Constitution has not entrusted any role for the State Assembly beyond merely expressing its view. There should be some valid basis like language or ethnicity or backwardness or need to create smaller states. None of this is present in the case of Telangana.

PREMEDITATED: The very objective of bringing in the Right to Information Act is to enable the citizens to know not just the decision of the government in a particular case but also the basis of such a decision. When the Parliament wants the citizens to know the basis for a decision taken by all layers of government, how is it that the Union cabinet took such an important decision of bifurcating one of the biggest states without any basis, that too, by bringing such an important item as a table item before it? On the one hand, the Union government says that Telangana is a long-pending issue and, on the other, it hurriedly brings such an important issue as a table item without allowing the ministers to take a considered decision on such an important issue. This confirms that the whole process is vitiated by premeditation.

It is not as if the Congress party was not aware of the need for a valid basis for creation of new states. The Congress Working Committee had, at its meeting held on October 30, 2000, considered the demands from various regions of the country for separate statehood in detail and decided to refer the matter to another States Reorganisation Commission by passing the following resolution:

“While respecting the report of the first States Reorganisation Commission, the Congress party notes that there are many valid reasons for formation of separate states of Vidarbha and Telangana. However, the reorganisation of existing states raises a large number of issues. The Congress feels that the whole matter could be best addressed by another States Reorganisation Commission to look into all the issues involved”.

DUBIOUS BASIS: Going by the CWC resolution dated July 30, 2013, it appears that it decided to recommend creation of Telangana state because it is a longstanding demand. Why were other longstanding demands such as Vidarbha not taken up? Moreover, can a longstanding demand alone constitute a rational and valid basis for creation of new States? On November 21, 2011, the UP Assembly passed a resolution to split the state into Purvanchal, Paschim Pradesh, Bundelkhand and Awadh Pradesh. In case of Andhra Pradesh, there is no such resolution. It is, therefore, clear that the UPA government has taken the decision to create Telangana in the hope of winning a few additional MP seats, taking advantage of the ongoing agitation for a Telangana state. Such caprice shall never stand judicial review.

(The writer is a member of the political affairs committee of YSR Congress Party)

Source: The New Indian Express

Eid-ul-Azha celebrated with gaiety in Andhra

By IANS - HYDERABAD | Published: 16th October 2013 12:10 PM

The day began with Muslims, attired in their best, offering Eid prayers at Eidgahs or open grounds and mosques in 

Hyderabad and 22 other districts of the state. ( R Satish Babu/E )

Eid-ul-Azha was celebrated Wednesday with religious fervour and gaiety across Andhra Pradesh.

The day began with Muslims, attired in their best, offering Eid prayers at Eidgahs or open grounds and mosques in Hyderabad and 22 other districts of the state.

After the prayers, Muslims sacrificed goats and other 'halal' animals commemorating the great sacrifice of Prophet Ibrahim and urged Muslims to follow his teachings and the Holy Quran.

Also known as Bakrid or Eid-e-Qurban, it is the second major festival of Muslims.

The meat of the sacrificed animals is distributed among neighbours, relatives and the poor.

Muslims also exchanged greetings with relatives and friends and treated the visitors to their homes with sweet dishes.

The biggest congregation in Hyderabad was held at historic Mir Alam Eidgah where over 200,000 people offered prayers. The historic Mecca Masjid witnessed the second biggest congregation. Prayers were also held in hundreds of mosques in the city.

Eid was also celebrated in Nizamabad, Karimnagar, Nalgonda, Mahabubnagar, Adilabad, Warangal, Vijayawada, Kurnool, Kadapa, Anantapur, Guntur and other towns of the state with people turning out in large numbers at Eidgahs and mosques to offer prayers.

During their speeches before the prayers, the imams also prayed for peace and prosperity in the country.

Muslims constitute about 10 percent of the state's 84.6 million population.

Source: The New Indian Express

Kiran takes on high command again

Special Correspondent
 

After a break of a week or so, Chief Minister, N. Kiran Kumar Reddy showed his anger again at the party high command, this time for issuing “conflicting statements over a sensitive subject of bifurcation” leaving the people of the State confused.

Mr. Kiran Reddy is stated to have got so upset that he telephoned AICC general secretary in charge of Andhra Pradesh, Digvijay Singh, now camping in Madhya Pradesh, and took exception to the way he ( Mr. Singh ) and the Union Home Minister, S. K. Shinde, spelt out divergent views in public at a time when he was trying to convince the Seemandhra employees to call off their strike.

Ample scope

He reportedly reminded Mr. Singh that it was at his behest that he told the agitated employees that a resolution on bifurcation would come up twice before the Assembly leaving the members ample scope to voice the concerns of the people of Seemandhra.

“You have even told me that I should be your voice while conveying this to the employees and when I gave an assurance on this score, Mr. Shinde took a contrasting stand announcing that a draft Bill will be sent to the Assembly for its opinion only and that the bifurcation process will be expedited”, Mr. Reddy said in a note sent to the media.

It was not proper on the part of the party leadership to make such contradictory statements on a subject involving future generations of the two regions, Mr. Reddy said and wanted Mr. Singh to clarify in one voice the procedure being followed in dividing the State and how justice would be done to people of all regions.

‘Fresh controversy’

Supporters of the Chief Minister said he was annoyed that the high command has triggered a fresh “Telangana resolution versus draft bill” controversy as if the deep division among the people was not enough and when the need was for adopting a conciliatory tone to calm the ruffled feelings.

The latest detailed statement of Mr. Shinde of how the Centre plans to circumvent the problem it would encounter if the AP Assembly rejected the bill on Telangana, too had vertically divided people with those favouring the separate State rejoicing and those opposing it feeling let down.

Source: The Hindu

Centre to woo Seemandhra with financial package, new capital

PTI | 11th Oct 2013

Union Home Minister Sushil Kumar Shinde with other Union ministers during the GoM meeting on separate state of Telangana in New Delhi on Friday. PTI

New Delhi: The Group of Ministers (GoM), set up to look into the bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh, will focus its deliberations on the recommendations of Justice B N Srikrishna Committee that gave an extensive report on Telangana in 2010.

"Srikrishna Committee's report will be the basis of the whole exercise," Home Minister Sushilkumar Shinde, who heads the seven-member ministerial panel, told reporters here. However, the option of bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh into Telangana and Seemandhra with Hyderabad as the capital of Telangana and Seemandhra having a new capital- given by the central government was not the most preferred one of the committee.

"After taking into account all the pros and cons, the committee did not think it to be the most preferred, but the second best option. Separation is recommended only in case it is unavoidable and if this decision can be reached amicably amongst all the three regions," the five-member Srikrishna Committee, headed by Justice (retd) B N Srikrishna, had said.

The committee said if this option is exercised, the apprehensions of the coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema people and others who have settled in Hyderabad and other districts of Telangana with regard to their investments, properties, livelihood and employment, would need to be adequately addressed and confidence instilled that their safety and security would get highest priority from the new dispensation.

"Considering all aspects, the committee felt that while creation of a separate Telangana would satisfy a large majority of people from the region, it would also throw up several other serious problems. The implications for the other two regions also cannot be ignored," it had said.

The Srikrishna Committee said this option implies accepting the full demands of a large majority of Telangana people for a separate state that will assuage their emotional feelings and sentiments as well as the perceived sense of discrimination and neglect.

The committee's impression, gained during its extensive tours of Telangana region, indicated that a very large number of people from Telangana were highly supportive of the demand for a separate state.

The panel had said the implications of this option are that if earlier agitations are anything to go by, this decision will give rise to serious and violent agitations in the coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions, where the backlash will be immediate; the key issues being Hyderabad and sharing of water and irrigation resources.

The Srikrishna Committee also said that There will be every likelihood of pressure being put by the general public on the leaders of the political parties of Seemandhra region (MLAs/MLCs/MPs) to resign and fight for united Andhra Pradesh.

The agitation for separation of Rayalaseema from coastal Andhra may also start taking shape sooner than expected.

Even though water and irrigation issues can be handled by creating autonomous/semi-autonomous structures, the apprehensions of the people of coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema will continue to be voiced.

The impact on internal security situation with the anticipated growth of Naxalism and religious fundamentalism.

The committee said the division of the state will also have serious implications outside Andhra Pradesh.

It would not only give fillip to other similar demands but it will be for the first time, after the re-organisation of states, that a political demand for dividing a linguistically constituted state would have been conceded by the Union government with the creation of two Telugu-speaking states.

The issue requires a most calm and dispassionate consideration of the consequences.

The matter should also be seen in the larger context of whether a region can be allowed to decide for itself what its political status should be, as that would only create a demand for a great number of small states resulting in problems of coordination and management.

The option of keeping the state united by simultaneously providing certain definite Constitutional/Statutory measures for socio-economic development and political empowerment of Telangana region– creation of a statutorily empowered Telangana Regional Council had been termed by the committee as the best way forward.

The other four options are (a) Maintain status quo, (b) Bifurcation of the state into Seemandhra and Telangana; with Hyderabad as a Union Territory and the two states developing their own capitals in due course, (c) bifurcation of state into Rayala-Telangana and coastal Andhra regions with Hyderabad being an integral part of Rayala-Telangana and (d) Bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh into Seemandhra and Telangana with enlarged Hyderabad Metropolis as a separate Union Territory.

This Union Territory will have geographical linkage and contiguity via Nalgonda district in the south-east to district Guntur in coastal Andhra and via Mahboobnagar district in the south to Kurnool district in Rayalaseema.

Source: Deccan Chronicle

Personal Comment: Given the treatment of "CWC and CONGRESS CABINET" towards Seemandhra people I will doubt that Congress will ever win a seat in this Region in the near future. Existing parties YSR, TDP, BJP are no better either. It is high time to float a new party to protect and safeguard the rights of Seemandhra People !!!

 

Bill, resolution in Telangana soup

DC | Ch V.M. Krishna Rao | 2 hours 1 min ago

Friday, Oct 11, 2013 

 

Hyderabad: There is still confusion even among the top leadership of the Congress about whether the  Centre will direct the AP Assembly to pass a resolution in favour of Telangana, or will only require the Assembly to express its opinion on the Telangana Bill, or both.

Chief Minister N. Kiran Kumar Reddy had informed the striking employees’ associations on Wednesday that AICC general secretary Digvijay Singh had assured him that the Telangana issue will be referred to the AP Assembly twice (for its opinion and for voting). Singh himself issued a statement in Delhi on these lines.
 

But Union home minister Sushilkumar Shinde, during his monthly briefing to the media on Thursday, said that after the Group of Ministers (GoM) clears the Bill, it will be referred to the President who in turn will send it to the AP Assembly only for its opinion. Asked what the Centre will do if the AP Assembly rejects the Bill, Shinde said, “There is a remedy provided in the Constitution. Please read it or wait for the outcome.”
 

Seemandhra leaders tend to rely on Singh’s statement that the resolution will come before the Assembly, where it could be easily voted down, forcing the Central government to reverse its decision to carve out Telangana state.
 

Telangana Congress leaders prefer to believe the Union home minister’s statement that the Bill will come before the Assembly only for the latter to express its opinion. They say that even if the AP Assembly rejects the Bill, Parliament is vested with the power to bifurcate the state.
 

Sources close to the CM are still hopeful that the Cabinet note that was approved on October 3 will be sent to the President with the advice that it should be referred to the AP Assembly.
 

Shinde, during his briefing, said that the GoM, which is slated to hold its first meeting on Friday, will listen to various stakeholders and submit its report to the Cabinet. The Bill will then be placed in Parliament after getting the opinion of the state Assembly.
 

Conflicting statements will upset dialogue process: CM
 

Conflicting statements will upset dialogue process with striking staff: CM
 

The conflicting statements by Congress leadership at the Centre and Union ministers on the highly sensitive issue of state division is adding to the existing chaos.

Within a day of AICC general secretary Digvijay Singh's assurance to Chief Minister N. Kiran Kumar Reddy that the Assembly will deal with the T issue twice, in the form of a resolution and Bill, Union home minister Mr Sushilkumar Shinde said the Bill would be sent to Assembly only once for its views.

The Chief Minister who has been trying to convince employees that the division process could be scuttled by ensuring defeat of T resolution in the Assembly, he believes the statement is likely to upset the dialogue process with the striking employees.

The visibly irritated Chief Minister said in a television interview that it is high time that the Central leaders and ministers coordinate with each other before making statements on highly sensitive issues.

“We have lost complete faith in what they are saying. We also fear that they want to keep us in confusion with their statements and push the Bill in the winter session of Parliament,“ APNGOs leader A. Vidyasagar told this newspaper.

It all began with Mr Shinde announcing in December 2012 that a decision on carving out state will be taken within a week. Then came the infamous statement of former AICC incharge Mr Ghulam Nabi Azad that one week cannot be taken in literal sense.

Digvijay Singh, while announcing the CWC resolution, made it clear that the entire process of carving out the Telangana state would begin with the state Assembly sending a resolution to the Centre to decide on the contentious issue.

“Now we understand that it was a ploy to preempt resignations by MLAs and ministers who have been hiding under the excuse of defeating resolution in the Assembly whenever agitators counter them with the resignation demand,“ said Mr Vidyasagar.

There have been conflicting statements on the duration of the division process.

While the ministry of home affairs' note on the T-state gave six weeks time for the Group of Ministers (GoM) to submit its report, Mr Shinde said that the Bill would be introduced in the Winter Session of Parliament. Within days the Centre removed the six-week deadline and Mr Shinde on Thursday said there has been no deadline for the GoM to complete its process.

Source: Deccan Chronicle

Should President's rule be imposed to create Telangana?

By B Vinod Kumar - HYDERABAD
(The writer is a former MP and TRS politburo member.)

Published: 08th October 2013 07:50 AM

Contrary to the prevailing opinion, in this country, new state formation has never been smooth. Nor were the procedures exactly similar. Each state formation was unique and had followed a different sequence of steps.

The only thing common to all the state formations so far in Independent India has been the rigid applicability of Article 3 in its truest sense, where Parliament is given the supreme authority to carve out states irrespective of the opinion of the involved State Assemblies.

While the NDA followed a convenient procedure in the creation of Uttarakhand, Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand in 2000, where the state assemblies initiated the demand for separation, such a procedure is neither legally mandated nor is constitutionally prescribed and deviates from most other prior state formations.

Even the original reason for carving out states is different for each state. While some states in India were formed on the basis of recommendations by the States Reorganisation Commission (SRC), most others have not been dealt with by the SRC. And in certain cases, states were formed though SRC made explicit negative recommendations, like in case of Maharashtra and Gujarat. Even the formation of Andhra Pradesh in 1956 did not follow the recommendations of SRC.

And contrary to what Seemandhras believe, Indira Gandhi was not an apostle of preservation of existing states. In fact, history attests that she was a big supporter of creation of new states.

No other Prime Minister of this country has carved as many states as Indira Gandhi. She single-handedly led to the creation of many new states--Punjab, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Manipur, Meghalaya and Tripura. Back then, there was a strong case for creation of Telangana when the Telangana Praja Samiti (TPS) won 10 Lok Sabha seats in 1971 elections in spite of the popularity wave that Indira Gandhi was riding on at that time.

Leaders of those times confide that Indira Gandhi was almost ready to divide Andhra Pradesh as well in 1972, which actually resonates with her proclivity towards creating new states with utmost ease.

Why she opposed the division of Andhra Pradesh, as a special case, seems to have completely different reasons. The then principal secretary of Indira Gandhi PN Haskar made her aware of a pending petition with the United Nations filed by last Nizam Osman Ali Khan against forceful annexation of Hyderabad State by the Indian armed forces.

Haskar advised Indira Gandhi not to broach the bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh while the case was still pending. It is to be noted that Indira Gandhi went about creating many states following different sets of steps for each state. When Chief Minister Ram Kishan of Punjab openly opposed and criticised the CWC resolution of March 9, 1966, to bifurcate the state, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi suspended proviso of Article 3 of referring the bill to the State Assembly by imposing President’s rule on July 5, 1966, keeping the State Assembly in suspended animation to go ahead with the formation of Punjab Suba and Haryana Prant, using Parliament’s prerogative in carving internal boundaries of the country.

The President of India, Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, stated that there would be no reference of the Reorganisation Bill to the State Legislature. The bill was debated at length and passed by the Lok Sabha on August 31, 1966, and by the Rajya Sabha on September 3, 1966. The President’s Rule was revoked on November 1, 1966, when Punjab was bifurcated. This decision to divide the state while under President’s Rule was later upheld in 1970 by the Delhi High Court, thereby establishing the supreme power of Parliament in the creation of new states.

Punjab, like Andhra Pradesh, was covered by Article 371. The passage of bill for reorganisation of Punjab automatically removed Punjab from this special provision of Article 371, which will be now applicable during formation of Telangana.

The current insubordination and overt defiance of Andhra Pradesh CM N Kiran Kumar Reddy is uncannily similar to the belligerent stance taken by the Chief Minister of Punjab Ram Kishan in 1966. It would be wise if the current Seemandhra leadership stops its undemocratic and coercive activities aimed at stalling the formation of Telangana.

They should realise that bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh is inevitable, and therefore, there is a need to cooperate with people of Telangana in separation. Seemandhra leaders should instead focus their energies towards safeguarding the interests of Seemandhra at this critical hour.

If the current belligerence and willfull disobedience of Kiran Kumar Reddy is continued, wherein he uses cricket symbolism that “it is not over till the last ball is bowled”, expressing his desire to fight till the end, there is a very strong case for imposing President’s Rule to bifurcate Andhra Pradesh by keeping the State Assembly in suspended animation, thereby obviating the need to refer the bill to State Assembly.

Sonia Gandhi may now have to do what Indira Gandhi did in 1966. We sincerely hope we don’t have to do it that way. Seemandhras can debate their perceived problems and issues in the State Assembly while discussing the draft bill. We need to remember that we can choose our friends but not our neighbours. We hope that we will be friendly neighbours who are going to solve all the issues that may arise in future with maturity and responsibility.

Source: The New Indian Express

శ్రీ కౌముది అక్టోబర్ 2013